Articles
Articles
The Great Image
About Arakanese Chronology
Cultural and Religious Relation Between India and Dhanyawady
U Shwe Zan, B.Sc, Bcs
The places like Lumbni-Nepal, Bodh-Gaya Northen India, Samath, Varanasi-U.P. and Kushinagar U.P. are the four noteworthy location, where Gautama Budda was born, gained enlightenment, preached his first sermon and at the age of 80 attained Nibbana indeed! These are the most sacred places in Nepal and India.
From the ancient Rakhinr (Arakan) historical point of view. grandfather of Gutama Budha Einzana (from his maternal side), altered the Ancient Kokethamin Era 8645 to 2 and the out coming era was called Maha Era or Einzana Era, Rakhine King Ralamaru, 24th in the line of Kanrazagri or Kamaraza, founder of second Dhanyawady, also favoueed the alteration made by Eizana in that Era Gautama Buddha was born Maha (543 BC), renounced enlightenment in 103 Maha (537 BC) and passed to Nibbana in 148 Maha (492 BC). We learned from an article entitled "Review of the most ancient scholar of the most Rakhine History, U Sein Nyo Tun, I.C.S.(Retd), that Candathurira, the founder of Dhanyawadi, was also born in 72 Maha (563 BC) as cended to the Rakhine throne in 97 Maha or new religious Era (491 BC). One year after the Gautama Buddha and Candathuria were contemporary to each other. Moreover, we also learned that Guatama Buddha visited to Dhanyawady and preached King Candathurira in 123 Maha (517 BC), after the 20th monsoon retreat. At the same date, King Candathurira had cast a bronze image of Mahamuni (Christian dating system in use here is accoedence with the Vikran Sambat that, for about forty-five yeas, Buddha and his disciples traveled from place to place (withen Majjhima), preaching to people of all works of life and the greatest King of the time favoured him and his diciples.
Incident of Buddha and Candathurira, King of Dhanyawadi: Dr.Forchhmmer a renowned archaeologist wrote in his Book entitled 'ARAKAN' about the history of Mahamuni Shrine and the Sappadanapakarana, an ancient Rakhine manuscript of great value.
According to this manuscript, Buddha with 500 disciples came to Dhanyawady by aerial journey while sojourning in Dhanyawady, during Candathurira rule in 554 BC (revised 517 BC). The blessed one compiled with King"s request for permission of casting an image of the teacher. The King as well as his subjects offered "Nine Kuti" worth of precious metal and in the presence of the Buddha Mahamuni, the exact likeness of the Buddha was cast.
In the 15th centuary Ayecham verse by Adoo Mon Nyo (a court bard of King Ba Saw Pru, 1459-1482 AD0 the casinh of image is described thus;-
By the help of Visukarma
The divine creative genius
It was wrouth-
The present Mahamuni,
When the hollow of the hang
The Master gave
Exactly seven times
The precious mentals
With the warmth of His Boson
And behold
The likeness of
The master appeared
To be revered by Brahma,
Devas and men
The gift of the purest
Of all hearts"
In time, the Mahamuni became renowned and pilgrima from far-off paid regular visits. This Mahamuni image has been takenaway from the soil of its origin and now enshrined at Mandalay still receives sacred all egiance from milliona of South-East Asia Buddha.
The History of Dhayawady (Rakkha Pura) as foretold by Guatama Buddha; Gautama Buddha visted Dhanyawady with the object of his Sasana as well as his image, for the foresaw that the Sasana would get lost in India after his passing to Nibana. On arrival Thayla Giri, Kyawk Taw Hill, Gautama Buddhas related to Ananda, the history of the Rakhine Kingdom, in order that he may know in what kind of a country. He was leaving his Sasana as well as his image.
Comment: Some are of the opinion that Majjhima ends at Rakhine Yoma. Since, after sojourning in Dhayawady, Gautama Buddha proceeded as far as Tan-Gyi-Taung, the east bank of the Irrawaddy (Ayeyawady) River, and from where pre dicted that the Tharay-Khattara Kingdom will be formed in the opposit bank in the future. We have no assume that Majjhima ends in the west bank of the Irrawady (Ayeyawady) River.
Once Dr.Than Tun, M.A, BL, Ph D, remarked in his book entitled "An old History of Burma (Myanmar)", that Gautama Buddha had never been to outside Majjhma. It may be true and we can accept his remarked, but we should bear in mind that in ancient days, since Dhayady was included in the Majjhima. We can accept our traditiuonal belief of Gautama Buddha's visitation to Dhanyawady with clear conscious.
Reference
1. Antony Spaetu-A question of faith TIME may 26,1997 pp 42-48
2. Baneji, R.D. AJunior History of India (Blackic & Son India) Ltd.
3. Forchhmmer, Dr- "ARAKAN' " Mahamuni Shrine and the Sappadanapaka-rana Manascript."
4. Mayda Pinnya- 8th Century Mayda Pinnya Verse
5. Sein Nyo Tun, U I.C.S Retd-Review of the most ancient Rakhine History & History of Rakhine as foretold by Gautama Buddha, May 1966.
6. Shwe Zan,U- The Golden Mrauk-U, an ancient capital of Rakhine, 00 154-155.
7. Than Tun, Dr. M.A. BL.,Ph D- An old History of Burma, 1969
Rakhine people
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Arakanese), an ethnicThe Rakhine people (Burmese: &cdkifvlrsKd;; MLCTS: ra. khaing lu. myo:; IPA: [ja̰kʰàin lùmjóʊ]; formerly group of Myanmar, are today recognised as a national race by the Burmese military government, and they form the majority along Rakhine State's coastal regions. They possibly constitute 4% or more of Myanmar's population but no accurate census figures exist.
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According to the Arakanese chronicles, the name Rakhaing (Rakhine) was originated from Pali word Rakhapura meaning the land of the people of Rakhasa (Rakhasa > Rakkha >Rakhaing) who were titled this name in honour of preservation on their national heritage (a myo) and ethics or morality (sila).The word Rakhaing means, "one who keeps his own race." They are a strong and proud Buddhist people and claim to be one of the first groups to become followers of the Buddha in Southeast Asia.
Culture
The Rakhine are culturally different from the Bamar. They speak a language related to but different from Burmese. One major variation is the language's retention of the /r/ sound, which is a /j/ sound in Burmese. In addition, the Rakhine language, although mutually intelligible with standard Burmese, has certain differences in vocabulary. The Rakhine are predominantly Buddhists. One major reason for the cultural differences between the dominant Bamar and the Rakhine is their geographical isolation due to the Arakan Yoma. The Rakhine have been influenced by Indian culture, and traces of Indian influence remain in many aspects of Rakhine culture, including its literature, music, and cuisine.
History
The people of Rakhine claim a history that began in 3325 B.C and also archaeological evidence has been found to support this claim. The first independent Arakan kingdom was established in 3325 B.C by King Marayu. Buddhism was introduced into Arakan during the lifetime of Buddha himself. According to Rakhine chronicles, Lord Buddha in his life time visited the city of Dhannyawadi (Grain Blessed) in 554 B.C. The Rakhine king Sandar Suriya (Sun Moon) requested Lord Buddha to leave the image of Himself. After casting the Great Image Maha Muni (Great Sage) Lord Buddha breathed upon it which resembled the exact likeness of the Blessed One.
Ancient Dhannyawadi Lying, west of the ridge between the Kaladan and Lc-mro rivers. Dhannyawadi could be reached by small boat from the Kaladan Via the its tributary, the Tharechaung. Its city walls were made of brick, and form an irregular circle with a perimeter of about 9.6 kilometres, enclosing an area of about 4.42 square kilometres. Beyond the walls, the remains of a wide moat, now silted over and covered by paddy fields, are still visible in places. The remains of brick fortifications can be seen along the hilly ridge which provided protection from the west. Within the city, a similar wall and moat enclose the palace site, which has an area of 0.26 square kilometres, and another wall surrounds the palace itself.
At times of insecurity, when the city was subject to raids from the hill tribes or attempted invasions from neighbouring powers, there would have been an assured food supply enabling the population to withstand a siege. The city would have controlled the valley and the lower ridges, supporting a mixed wet-rice and taungya (slash and burn) economy, with local chiefs paying allegiance to the king.
From aerial photographs we can discern Dhannyawadi's irrigation channels and storage tanks, centred at the palace site. Throughout the history of Arakan, and indeed the rest of early Southeast Asia, the king's power stemmed from his control of irrigation and water storage systems to conserve the monsoon rains and therefore to maintain the fertility and prosperity of the land. In ceremonies conducted by Indian Brahmins the king was given the magic power to regulate the celestial and terrestrial forces in order to control the coming of the rains which would ensure the continuing prosperity of the kingdom.
| Period | Years | Ruler | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| Dhanyawady - BC. 3325 - AD. 326 | |||
| The First Dhanyawady | BC. 3325 - 1483 | King Marayu | |
| The Second Dhanyawady | BC. 1483 - 580 | King Kanrazagree | |
| The Third Dhanyawady | BC. 580 - AD. 326 | King Chandra Suriya | Gautama Buddha, Himself, visited Dhanyawady and the Great Image of Mahamuni was casted, and Buddhism began professed in Arakan. Currency system by coinage is said introduced in Arakan economy. |
| Vesali - Lemro - AD. 327 - 1430 | |||
| Vesali Kyauk Hlayga | AD. 327 - 794 | King Dvan Chandra | |
| Sambawak | AD. 794- 818 | Prince Nga Tong Mong (Saw Shwe Lu) | |
| Lemro | AD. 818 -1430 | King Nga Tone Mun | This period was the highest civilization in the Bay and highly prosperous with busy international trade with the west. Pyinsa, Purain, Taung Ngu and Narinsara, Laungkrat cities were flourished and gold and silver coinage was used in trade relation in Arakan in this period. |
| Golden Mrauk-U - 1430 - 1784 | |||
| First Golden Mrauk-U | 1430 - 1530 | King Mun Saw Mwan | |
| Second Golden Mrauk-U | 1530 - 1638 | Solidified by King Mun Bun (Mun Ba Gri) | Arakan reached at the zenith of the national unity and of the time of most powerful in the Bay in this period. |
| Third Golden Mrauk-U Period | 1638 - 1784 | King Mahathamada Raza | |
The oldest artefact, stone image of Fat Monk inscribed "Saccakaparibajaka Jina" in Brahmi inscription comes to the date of first century A.D.
An ancient stone inscription in Nagari character was discovered by renowned Archaeologist Dr. Forchhammer. Known as Salagiri, this hill was where the great teacher came to Arakan some two thousand five hundred years ago. Somewhere from eastern part of this hill, a stone image in Dhamma-cakra-mudra now kept in Mrauk-U museum, was found earlier in 1923. This relief sculpture found on the Salagiri Hill represents Buddha preaching King Canda Suriya belongs to 4th century A.D.; five more red sandstone slabs with the carving were found close by the south of this Salagiri Hill in 1986. They are the same type as the single slab found earlier in 1923. These carving slabs of Bhumispara-mudra, Kararuna-mudra, Dhammacakra-mudara, and Mmahaparinibbana-mudra represent the life of Buddha.
These sculptures provide earliest evident about the advent of Buddhism into Arakan; during the life time of the Buddha and these discoveries were therefore assumed as the figures of King Canda Suriya of Dyanawady, who dedicated the Great Maha Muni Image. These archaeological findings have been studied by eminent scholars and conclusion is that the Maha Muni was made during the king Sanda Suriya era.
The founder of Vesali city, King Dvan Chandra carved Vesali Paragri Buddha-image in 327 A.D and set a dedicatory inscription in Pali verse
| " | ye dhamma hetuppabuava / Tathagato aha / tesan ca yo niyodho / evamvadi Mahasamano. | " |
That Buddha-image is carved out by a single block and the earliest image of Vesali.
The meaning of Ye Dhamma verse is as follow.
| " | Of these dhammas which arise from causes / The Tathagata has declared causes / Lord Buddha preached about the causes / And the effects gained by the causes / And that which is the ceasing of them, Nirawda Thitesa / This the great ascetic declares. | " |
The verse, which is considered as the essence of Theravada spirit, bears testimony to the fact that Buddhism flourished to an utmost degree in Vesali. The relationship of Vesali with foreign countries especially Ceylon would be established for Buddhism.
The stone inscriptions are of Sanskrit, Pali, Rakhine, Pru and Arabic languages. Anandacandra Inscriptions date back to 729 A.D. originally from Vesali now preserved at Shitethaung indicates adequate evidence for the earliest foundation of Buddhism. Dr. E. H. Johnston's analysis reveals a list of kings which he considered reliable beginning from Candra dynasty. The western face inscription has 72 lines of text recorded in 51 verses describing the Anandacandra's ancestral rulers. Each face recorded the name and ruling period of each king who were believed to have ruled over the land before Anandacandra. Archaeology has shown that the establishment of so many stone pagodas and inscriptions which have been totally neglected for centuries in different part of Arakan speak of popular favoured by Buddhism.
The cubic stone inscriptions record the peace making between the governor of Thandaway Mong Khari (1433-1459) and Razadhiraj the Mon Emperor in Arakanese inscription. This was found from a garrison hill at the oldest site of Parein. A stone slab with the alleged figure of the Buddha preaching, King Canda Suriya bored testimony to the Salagiri tradition, depicting of the advent of the Teacher to Dyanyawaddy.
The crowing event in the history of Arakan was the Convention of the Buddhist Council at the top of golden hill of Vesali under the royal patronage of King Dhammawizaya in 638 AD. through joint effort of two countries, Arakan and Ceylon. This momentous triumph of the great council was participated by one thousand monks from Ceylon and one thousand monks from Arakan kingdom. As a fitting celebration of the occasion, the lavish construction of pagodas, statues and monasteries were undertaken for the purpose of inscribing the Tripitaka. After Vesali, Pyinsa was found by Lemro dynasty in 818 A.D; the great king of dynasty (AD. 818 -1430) was King Mim-Yin-Phru, who turned his attention towards the development of Buddhism, and in 847 A.D. he conveyed the second Buddhist council in Arakan attended by 800 Arahants. Arakanese chronicles report that therein the Tripitaka and Atthakatha were inscribed on the golden plate and enshrined. Never has there been impediment in the practice of Theravada Buddhist faith since it has introduced in Arakan. The copious findings of inscription Ye Dhamma verse were practical evidence that Theravada was dominant faith if epigraphic and archaeological sources were to be believed. The Royal patronage has always been significant factor contribution to stability and progress of the religion in Arakan.
The country had been invaded several times, by the Mongols, Mon, Bamar and Portuguese and finally the Bamar in 1785 when the armies led by the Crown Prince, son of King Bodawpaya, of the Konbaung dynasty of Burma marched across the western Yoma and annexed Arakan. The religious relics of the kingdom were stolen from Rakhine, most notably the Mahamuni Buddha image, and taken into central Burma where they remain today. The people of Arakan resisted the conquest of the kingdom for decades after. Fighting with the Rakhine resistance, initially led by Nga Than Dè and finally by Chin Byan in border areas, created problems between British India and Burma. The year 1826 saw the defeat of the Bamar in the First Anglo-Burmese War and Arakan was ceded to Britain under the Treaty of Yandabo. Akyab (Sittwe) was then designated the new capital of Arakan. In 1852, Arakan was merged into Lower Burma as a territorial division.
During the Second World War, Arakan was given autonomy under the Japanese occupation and was even granted its own army known as the Arakan Defense Force. The Arakan Defense Force went over to the allies and turned against the Japanese in early 1945. After the war, Arakan was the centre of multiple insurgencies which fought against British rule, notably led by the monks U Ottama and U Seinda.
In 1948, Arakan became independent as a division within the Union of Burma. Shortly after, violence broke out along religious lines between Buddhists and Muslims. Later there were calls for secession by the Rakhine, but such attempts were subdued. In 1974, the Ne Win government's new constitution granted Rakhine Division "state" status but the gesture was largely seen as meaningless since the military junta held all power in the country and in Rakhine. In 1989, the name of Arakan State was changed to "Rakhine" by the military junta.
List of Arakan Kings
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The folowing is a list of the Kingship (including mythological) of the Arakan .
Mytholog
Dhynygawati-The First Dynasty
- Marayo............................................2666-2604 BC
- Maradzi I.........................................2604-2572
- Maraonleng........................................2572-2519
- Mararwayleng......................................2519-2471
- Marabengh.........................................2471-2416
- Maradzi II........................................2416-2383
- Marakeng..........................................2383-2351
- Ngatshapo (usurper)...............................2351-2330
- Dwaratsandra......................................2330-2290
- Tholatsandra......................................2290-2257
- Tsandathuriyatsandra..............................2257-2220
- Kalatsandra.......................................2220-2180
- Titsandra.........................................2180-2149
- Madhuthatsandra...................................2149-2129
- Dzeyatsandra......................................2129-2089
- Mokkhatsandra.....................................2089-2063
- Gunnatsandra......................................2063-2051
- 3 noble usurpers...7 days, 3 months, and 8 months respectively
- Kan-Radzagyi......................................2050-2009
- Kan-Radzangai.....................................2009-1973
- Indathuriya.......................................1973-1938
- Athurindathuriya..................................1938-1908
- Tharameta.........................................1908-1880
- Thuriya...........................................1880-1849
- Mengthi...........................................1849-1827
- Mengba............................................1827-1805
- Tsioung...........................................1805-1777
- Tataingtheng......................................1777-1746
- Kyaukhoungweng....................................1746-1715
- Thuriyanandamit...................................1715-1694
- Athurindabhaya....................................1694-1663
- Letyatsithukyi....................................1663-1631
- Thihaka...........................................1631-1588
- Mengbhunthan......................................1588-1557
- Tharethmwe........................................1557-1508
- Dzeyanandathu.....................................1508-1457
- Tekkathu..........................................1457-1411
- Lekkhana..........................................1411-1374
- Gunnarit..........................................1374-1326
- Thiwarit..........................................1326-1285
- Menghlahmwe.......................................1285-1254
- Marinda...........................................1254-1192
- Thidhatkummara....................................1192-1170
- Menghlakyi........................................1170-1123
- Menghlangay.......................................1123-1099
- Ngatsarit.........................................1099-1061
- Myethnawun........................................1061-1030
- Letthutkyi........................................1030-1003
- Thirikammathunda..................................1003-972
- Nandakotabhaya.....................................972-945
- Mengnanhpyu........................................945-925
- Mengmanu...........................................925-897
- Mengkhoungngay.....................................897-878
- Loukkhoungradza....................................878-838
- Mengngaypyauhlatsi.................................838-832
- 3 nobles, usurpers of the crown....................
Dhingyawati-The Second Dynasty
- Kan-Radzagyi.......................................825-788
- Thila-Radza........................................788-740
- Watsathura.........................................740-709
- Nandawithura.......................................709-669
- Punathuriya........................................669-637
- Thuranda...........................................637-614
- Tsandima...........................................614-577
- Thiritsanda........................................577-537
- Thiharan...........................................537-491
- Thihanu............................................491-471
- Payaka.............................................471-440
- Nelagun............................................440-399
- Rohahagun..........................................399-368
- Thirigun...........................................368-344
- Thamadza...........................................344-309
- Kummara............................................309-289
- Thekhtenghypu......................................289-249
- Thabhengu..........................................249-207
- Tedzawun...........................................207-171
- Mundzayaba.........................................171-137
- Kummarawithuddhi...................................137-50
- Wathumundala........................................50-16
- Thurinda........................................16 BCE-15 CE
- Ralamayu............................................15-37
- Nalamayu............................................37-68
- Wadhagun............................................68-90
- Withuradza..........................................90-111
- Thiriradza.........................................111-146
- Acceptance of Budhism
- Tsandathuriya......................................146-198
- Thuriyaditi........................................198-245
- Thuriyapatipat.....................................245-298
- Thuriyarupa........................................298-313
- Thuriyamandala.....................................313-375
- Thuriyawanna.......................................375-418
- Thuriyanatha.......................................418-459
- Thuriyawengtha.....................................459-468
- Thuriyabanda.......................................468-474
- Thuriyakalyana.....................................474-492
- Thuriyamukkha......................................493-513
- Thuriyatedza.......................................513-544
- Thuriyapunya.......................................544-552
- Thuriyakula........................................552-575
- Thuriyapabas.......................................575-600
- Thuriyatsitra......................................600-618
- Thuriyathetha......................................618-640
- Thuriyawimala......................................640-648
- Thuriyarenu........................................648-670
- Thuriyagengtha.....................................670-686
- Thuriyathekya......................................686-694
- Thuriyathiri.......................................694-714
- Thuriyakethi.......................................714-723
- Thuriyakutta.......................................723-746
- Thuriyaketu........................................746-788
Historical
First historical dynasty
- 3 unknown kings......................................120 years each
- Bahubalin............................................120 years
- Raghupati............................................120 years
- unknown king.........................................120 years
- Candrodaya............................................27 years
- The Annaveta kings (unknown number)....................5 years
- unknown king..........................................77 years
- Rimbhyappa ? .........................................23 years
- Kuvera(mi) (fem.).......................................5 years
- Umavirya ? ............................................7 years
- Lanki..................................................2 years
Candra dynasty
- Dvencandra................................... c.330/60-c. 385/415
- Rajacandra..................................c. 385/415-c. 405/35
- Kalacandra...................................c. 405/35-c. 414/44
- Devacandra...................................c. 414/44-c. 436/66
- Yajñacandra..................................c. 436/66-c. 443/73
- Candrabandhu.................................c. 443/73-c. 449/79
- Bhumicandra..................................c. 449/79-c. 456/86
- Bhuticandra..................................c. 456/86-c. 480/510
- Niticandra..................................c. 480/510-c. 535/65
- Viryacandra..................................c. 535/65-c. 538/68
- Prithicandra.................................c. 538/68-c. 550/80
- Prthicandra..................................c. 550/80-c. 557/87
- Dhrticandra.................................c. 557/87-c. 560/90
- ??
Wethali dynasty
- Mahataingsandra....................................788-810
- Thuriyataingsandra.................................810-830
- Maulataingsandra...................................830-849
- Paulataingsandra...................................849-875
- Kalataingsandra....................................875-884
- Dulataingsandra....................................884-903
- Thiritaingsandra...................................903-935
- Thingghathataingsandra.............................935-951
- Tsulataingsandra...................................951-957
- Amyathu............................................957-964
- Paiphyu............................................964-994
- Ngamengngatum......................................994-1018
Pingtsa dynasty
- Khettarheng.......................................1018-1028
- Tsandatheng.......................................1028-1039
- Mengrengphyu......................................1039-1049
- Nagathuriya.......................................1049-1052
- Thuriyaradza......................................1052-1054
- Punnaka...........................................1054-1058
- Mengphyugyi.......................................1058-1060
- Tsithabeng........................................1060-1061
- Mengnanthu........................................1061-1066
- Menglade..........................................1066-1072
- Mengkula..........................................1072-1075
- Mengbhilu.........................................1075-1078
- Thengkhaya........................................1078-1092
- Mengthan..........................................1092-1100
- Mengpadi..........................................1100-1103
Parin dynasty
- Letyamengnan......................................1103-1109
- Thihaba...........................................1109-1110
- Radzagyi..........................................1110-1112
- Thakiwenggyi......................................1112-1115
- Thakiwengngay.....................................1115-1133
- Gauliya...........................................1133-1153
- Datharadza........................................1153-1165
- Ananthiri.........................................1165-1167
Khyit dynasty
- Mengphuntsa.......................................1167-1174
- Pintsakawa........................................1174-1176
- Gannayubaw........................................1176-1179
- Tsalengkabo.......................................1179-1180
Second Pingtsa dynasty
- Midzutheng........................................1180-1191
- Ngaranman.........................................1191-1193
- Ngapuggan.........................................1193-1195
- Ngarakhoing.......................................1195-1198
- Ngakyun...........................................1198-1201
- Ngatshu...........................................1201-1205
- Ngatswaitheng.....................................1205-1206
- Mengkounggyi......................................1206-1207
- Mengkhoungngay....................................1207-1208
- Kambhalounggyi....................................1208-1209
- Kambhaloungngay...................................1209-1210
- Letyagyi..........................................1210-1218
- Letyangay.........................................1218-1229
- Thanabeng.........................................1229-1232
- Nganathin.........................................1232-1234
- Nganalum..........................................1234-1237
Loung-Kyet dynasty
- Hlanmaphyu........................................1237-1243
- Radzathugyi.......................................1243-1246
- Tsaulu............................................1246-1251
- Utstsanagyi.......................................1251-1260
- Tsaumwungyi.......................................1260-1268
- Nankyagyi.........................................1268-1272
- Mengbhilu.........................................1272-1276
- Tsithabeng........................................1276-1279
- Meng Di...........................................1279-1385 (sic!)
- Utstsanangay......................................1385-1387
- Thiwarit..........................................1387-1390
- Thintse...........................................1390-1394
- Radzathu..........................................1394-1395
- Tsithabeng........................................1395-1397
- Myintsoingkyi..........................................1397
- Radzathu (restored)...............................1397-1401
- Thinggathu........................................1401-1403
MRAUK-U dynasty
- Mengtsaumwun......................................1404-1406 d. 1434
- (Vacant...........................................1406-1430)
- Mengtsaumwun (restored)...........................1430-1434
- Menkhari..........................................1434-1459
- Batsauphyu........................................1459-1482
- Daulya............................................1482-1492
- Batsonygo.........................................1492-1494
- Ranoung................................................1494
- Tsalenggathu......................................1494-1501
- Menradza..........................................1501-1523
- Gadzabadi.........................................1523-1525
- Mengtsau-o.............................................1525
- Thatsata..........................................1525-1531
- Mengbeng..........................................1531-1553
- Dik-Kha...........................................1553-1555
- Tsau-Lha..........................................1555-1564
- Mengtsekya........................................1564-1571
- Mengphaloung......................................1571-1593
- Mengradzagyi......................................1593-1612
- Mengkhamoung......................................1612-1622
- Thirithudhamma....................................1622-1638
- Mengtsani..............................................1638
- Thado.............................................1638-1645
- Narabadigyi.......................................1645-1652
- Tsandathudhamma...................................1652-1684
- Thirithuriya......................................1684-1685
- Wara Dhammaradza..................................1684-1692
- Munithu Dhammaradza...............................1692-1694
- Tsandathuriya Dhammaradza.........................1694-1696
- Naukahtadzau...........................................1696
- Mayuppiya.........................................1696-1697
- Kalamandat........................................1697-1698
- Naradhibadi.......................................1698-1700
- Tsandawimala I....................................1700-1706
- Tsandathuriya.....................................1706-1710 d. 1734
- Tsandawidzaya.....................................1710-1731
- Tsandathuriya (restored)..........................1731-1734
- Naradhibadi.......................................1734-1735
- Narapawararadza...................................1735-1737
- Tsandawidzala..........................................1737
- Katya..................................................1737
- Madarit...........................................1737-1742
- Nara-Apaya........................................1742-1761
- Thirithu...............................................1761
- Paramaradza.......................................1761-1764
- Maharadza.........................................1764-1773
- Thumana...........................................1773-1777
- Tsandawimala II........................................1777
- Thamitha-Dhammayit................................1777-1782
- Thamada RaZar...........................................1782-1784
Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Arakan_Kings"
Ancient geography and recent archaeology:
Dhanyawadi, Vesali and Mrauk-u.
Bob Hudson
Archaeology Department, University of Sydney, Australia.
"The Forgotten Kingdom of Arakan" History Workshop.
Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok, November 2005.
Recent archaeological excavations and surveys at the old Arakanese sites of Dhanyawadi, Vesali
and Mrauk-u raise new issues about each. It appears that Dhanyawadi is not the eccentric shape
portrayed in early archaeological plans, but an oval site with some notable similarities to the
walled Pyu sites of Upper Myanmar. Vesali shares one of these characteristics, an inwardcurving
brick gate. A radiocarbon date, the first for Vesali, intriguingly places another city gate
in the 13th century AD. A review of the huge earth banks that surround Mrauk-u suggests that the
popular notion that these were defensive may be a romanticised interpretation of what was
essentially a water management system.
Location.
The early polities of Arakan were located in the valleys of the Kaladan and Lemro
Rivers. While some traditional accounts locate early settlements, "royal capitals", as far
north as the Kyaukpandaung plateau (Tun Shwe Khine 1992: 20-21) the available
evidence points to the alluvial lowlands. Satellite imagery (Figure 1) shows how
restricted the area available for irrigated rice agriculture was. The old settlements occupy
a strip of land that is only between 15 and 35 kilometres wide, and perhaps 60 kilometres
from north to south. To the north, west and east are hills, and to the south the combined
deltas of the two rivers meet the sea.
Dhanyawadi.
There are traditional claims in Arakan of royal capitals dating back to 3000 BC (Tun
Shwe Khine 1992: 20). However the historical record begins with the c. AD 729
Anacandra inscription which describes how the founding king of the Candra Dynasty,
Dvancandra (c. 370-425 AD), "built a city adorned by surrounding walls and a moat"
(Johnston 1944; Gutman 1976: 63, Vol 1). This is Dhanyawadi, whose Gupta-period
sculptures point to the 5th century AD (Gutman 2001: 29). It is the home of the
Mahamuni shrine, an important pilgrimage site for Buddhists (Forchhammer 1892; Tun
Shwe Khine 1994). The shrine is pretty much in the geographical centre of an oval outer
wall which encloses an area of 5.6 square kilometres. Southwest of the shrine is a
relatively square enclosed area, with another square series of walls inside it (Figure 2).
These two sets of inner walls are generally interpreted as a palace. Apart from the walls
themselves, and a couple of small brick structures, there are few brick foundations
evident, suggesting that if this area enclosed an elite centre, then the inhabitants must
have lived mainly in wooden structures built directly on the ground. Excavations on the
eastern side show the walls curving inward to form a corridor, providing a narrow
entranceway to the complex. These walls, like the outer city walls, are several metres
thick, faced with brick, and filled with rubble (Kyaw Zan 2004).
One thing that immediately strikes the observer on seeing the curved brick gate is the
similarity with curved brick corridor gates that have been excavated at Halin, Beikthano
and Sriksetra (Aung Myint 1998). We seem to have no written information from ancient
times to tell us just why the gates were built in this shape. Was their function defence
2
against enemies, administrative (perhaps for the collection of taxes as people went
through- some of the Upper Burma gates had niches that could have housed guards or
officials) or cultural, to ensure that only members of the community that owned the
walled city could enter? Until now, this kind of entranceway had appeared unique to First
Millennium AD Upper Myanmar, but it now seems that the ancient architects must have
exchanged a few ideas across the Arakan Yoma.
Several important features came to light during field survey in 2005. The author, U Nyein
Lwin, of the Archaeology Department in Mrauk-u and U Maung Maung Than, a staff
member of the Mahamuni museum who was raised in the local area, undertook a program
of "ground-truthing", directly checking features that had previously been mapped or
detected from aerial photos or satellite imagery. A key discovery was that the huge earth
banks to the southeast of the Mahamuni, which have appeared on maps as part of the
outer city wall, form quite a separate feature. They very likely became incorporated into
the archaeological plan due to a misinterpretation of aerial photographs (Thin Kyi 1970)
and were cheerfully accepted as giving the city an inexplicably eccentric outline by
subsequent scholars, including the author (Gutman & Hudson 2004: 162). However
inspection on the ground shows that there are brick remains in a field between the earth
banks which form a continuous line with brick walls that run under the earthworks
(Figure 2). The earth bank, sometimes known as the "gold and silver road", has more
than one folk tale attached to it. In one story, it was a twin road to Mrauk-u. In another, it
was an artificial lake built by rival royals to hold boat races. Its walls are now breached,
and crops are grown on its floor.
Other finds from the ground survey include a curved brick gate on the outer east wall and
a stone quarry, characterised by the remains of drill holes in the grey sandstone, at
Kyauktalon, beyond the west wall. The early sculptures of Dhanyawadi and Vesali
largely employ red sandstone, so the Kyauktalon quarry cannot be claimed as a source for
these artworks. Outside the southern part of the outer wall we located a cluster of brick
and/or stone platforms, typically about 8 metres square. They appear as low mounds on
the ground. Many are preserved as field corners, presumably too hard to plough and too
dense to make it worth the effort of removing the brick or stone. Perhaps they are
religious monuments or graves. Careful excavation of one or two of them may provide
valuable new information.
Vesali.
Art history and numismatic studies place Vesali between perhaps the 6th and 10th
centuries AD (Nyunt Han 1984; Gutman 2001: 41). It is enclosed by a brick wall, with an
area of 6.2 square kilometres. Excavations in the 1980s revealed several brick buildings.
Regular finds of stone and bronze artifacts were noted then (Nyunt Han 1984) and since
(Shwe Zan 1995). An inner walled area, known as the "palace site", is obscured by the
present village of Wethali, although brick remains are widely seen in the village
pathways and roads. Recent excavations have unearthed a curved brick gateway on the
northern side of the outer wall, which can be seen where the road to Dhanyawadi crosses
the wall (Figure 3, VSL 8). This curved gate appears to have been overbuilt by later
structures (Kyi Khin 2004), suggesting long-term use of the site. In the northwest corner,
a different kind of gate was excavated, a gap in the wall with a large timber post set at
each side (VSL 6). One of these posts has been radiocarbon dated to the period between
AD 1260-1400 at 95.4% probability (sample OZH970, 670±40 BP, Australian Nuclear
Science and Technology Organisation 2005). We should not rush to judgement on the
basis of a single radiocarbon date, but at face value, the result suggests we should at least
3
not discount some kind of construction activity in a period that had previously been
considered to be well after the time the city was occupied. Vesali has been called in the
Arakanese chronicles the "city of stone stairs" (Gutman 1976: 21; Nyunt Han 1984).
Local people point out a section of the bank of the Rann Chaung about 500 metres from
VSL 6 where they say stonework has been seen, but none is visible today.
Mrauk-u.
The Mrauk-u period went from the 15th to 18th centuries AD, and seems to have been
preceded by settlement activity along the Lemro River to the east in several centres
including Sambawak/Pyinsa, Parein, Hkrit and Launggret (Harvey 1925: 137-149, 370-
371; Thin Kyi 1970; the Lemro sites were recently re-surveyed by Berliet 2004: 234-
239). A characteristic view of Mrauk-u is that the earth banks that surround particularly
the eastern part of the city were constructed for defence, a maze "calculated to baffle any
enemy", with the capacity for the waters of the town's reservoirs to be let loose to drown
invaders (Collis 1923: 246). A new look at these earth banks, using maps (Burma One
Inch 84 H/2), aerial photographs (thanks to Dr Elizabeth Moore for supplying a rare copy
of a World War II aerial photo of Mrauk-u from the Williams-Hunt Collection at SOAS)
and satellite imagery (LandSat 2000 and IKONOS 1 metre) suggests rather erratic
planning if defence was the main aim (Figure 4). The earth banks of Mrauk-u cover an
area of more than 20 square kilometres. They extend more than 6 kilometres to the
northeast of the citadel, as far as the Lemro River. However to the southeast, they are
effectively on the edge of the city, except for banks fronting low hills that encircle an
alluvial plain. It does not really look like a militarily viable fortification. There seems to
be at least one large gap through which invaders could comfortably march, along a
stream between the northern and southern groups of earth banks and past the Koe-thaung
and Pizi-taung pagodas (Figure 4). There is also the question of the structurally similar
earthworks at Dhanyawadi. It is difficult to attribute a defensive function to the
Dhanyawadi banks, which form a single reservoir backing on to a hillside catchment area
(Figure 2). We might look to water management as a more likely reason for the
construction of the earthworks at both sites, to keep the saline water from the surrounding
tidal rivers and creeks at bay and permit rice irrigation. The Mrauk-u kings are described
as building extensive bunds for water retention as far as the Lemro River in the mid-15th
century (Smart 1917: 66-67).
It must be admitted that in the case of an attack, the complex system of banks and tanks
would have favoured the locals rather than the intruders. Fortified lookout posts, some
with gun ports, remain on the hills around the town (Tun Shwe Khine 1992; Shwe Zan
1995). These fortifications, along with the walls, gates and different kinds of earth banks,
are given individual names in the local tradition, a tradition which considers the earth
banks to be fundamentally defensive (Department of Archaeology n.d.). Histories
describe how King Minbin, in the 16th century, opened the sluices of the reservoirs to
hold back Burmese/Peguan invaders (Harvey 1925: 140, 158). However wars are
irregular occurrences, while agriculture is constant. The dramatic notion of drowning
one's enemies by flooding the city's defences, a story told also of Beikthano (ASB 1905-
06: 7), may be more appealing than the notion of a hydraulic engineering project, but the
original construction of the earth banks should be seen as a creative approach to a
difficult problem of water management that helped bring to Mrauk-u the prosperity that
made it attractive over the years to adventurers from both inside and outside the society.
This is not to suggest that the banks may not have been useful in the defence of the city,
rather that any defensive advantage they may have given would have been the fortunate
consequence of earlier decisions regarding water management.
4
References.
ASB 1906-1965 Report of the Superintendent, Archaeological Survey of Burma.
Rangoon, Office of the Superintendent, Government Printing.
Aung Myint 1998 Site Characteristics of Pyu and Pagan ruins. A Comparative Study
of the Dry Areas in Southeast Asia: International Seminar, Kyoto, Japan.
Berliet, Ernelle 2004 Geographie Historique et Urbanisation en Birmanie et ses Pays
Voisins, des origines (IIe s. av JC) a la fin du XIII siecle. Doctoral Thesis.
Ecole Doctorale Sciences Humaines et Sociales, Universite Lumiere, Lyon II
Collis, M.S. 1923 "The Golden City of Mrauk-U." Journal of the Burma ResearchSociety 13(3): 244-256.
Department of Archaeology n.d. A Brief Presentation of Cultural Heritage Sites inRakhine State (undated mimeograph), Department of Archaeology, Ministry
of Culture, Union of Myanmar.
Forchhammer, E. 1892 Report on the antiquities of Arakan The Archaeology
Department, Burma.
Gutman, Pamela 1976 Ancient Arakan, with special reference to its cultural history
between the 5th and 11th centuries. PhD thesis. Australian National
University, Canberra. http://thesis.anu.edu.au/public/adt-
ANU20050901.112732/index.html
Gutman, Pamela 2001 Burma's Lost Kingdoms: Splendours of Arakan Orchid Press.
Gutman, Pamela & Bob Hudson 2004 The Archaeology of Burma, from the Neolithic
to Pagan. Southeast Asia: from prehistory to history. I. Glover & P. Bellwood.
Abingdon & New York, Routledge Curzon: 149-176.
Harvey, G. E. 1925 History of Burma Frank Cass & Co Ltd, London.
Johnston, E.H. 1944 "Some Sanskrit inscriptions of Arakan." BSOAS 21: 357-385.
Kyaw Zan 2004 Report on Excavation at Ancient Dhanyawadi (Interim DepartmentalReport, in Burmese), Ministry of Culture, Department of Archaeology,
Archaeological Branch Office, Rakhine State.
Kyi Khin 2004 Excavation Report on Mounds VSL-6, VSL-7 and VSL-8 in AncientVesali (Interim Departmental Report, in Burmese), Ministry of Culture,
Department of Archaeology, Archaeological Branch Office, Rakhine State.
Nyunt Han 1984 The Study of Ancient City Vesali (Departmental Report, in Burmese).
Yangon, Department of Archaeology.
Shwe Zan 1995 The Golden Mrauk-U, an ancient capital of Rakhine U Shwe Zan,
Yangon.
Smart, R.B. 1917 Burma Gazetteer, Akyab District, Volume A Superintendent,
Government Printing and Stationery, Union of Burma, Rangoon.
Thin Kyi, Daw 1970 "Arakanese capitals: a preliminary survey of their geographical
siting." Journal of the Burma Research Society 53(2): 1-13.
Tun Shwe Khine 1992 A guide to Mrauk-U, an ancient city of Rakhine, Myanmar U
Tun Shwe.
Tun Shwe Khine 1994 A guide to Mahamuni: the highly venerated golden image ofBuddha with authentic long history Rakhine Book Serial
# This research is supported by a grant and Postdoctoral Fellowship from the Australian Research
Council.
The Rohginya and the Rakhaing
By
Professor Dr.Aye Kyaw
America Burma Institute
New York
{This paper is written in response to a conference on the Rohigya and the
democratic movement of Myanmar, July 16, 2007 held in Tokyo. }
The Politics of Meaning
The name Rohingya means the wandering people in the Bengali Language. They are living on their own feet and they are not settled at any place. In the Arakanese language they are called Lwintgya which means the people bloom up and fall down some where and they are the unsettled people. Both languages convey the same meaning. Linguistically, ra, ya,la and ,wa are interchangeable' therefore ra in Rohingya and la in Lwintgya carry the same changeable value.
From "Mujahids" to "Rohingyas"
In the 1950s, the movement for a State was led by "Mujahids" among the Muslims living on the boarders of Arakan and Bangladash.This political tradition is being carried out by the Rohingers who, according to this author's information, will establish a State called Rohinstan in 2008.The area of this State will comprise some land of both countries-Bangladesh and Myanmar.
In the 1990s, the movement of Rohinger in the shadow of human rights became popular. The so called Burma specialists supported the movements without knowing its political objectives. Before 9/11 some of its leaders were disciples of the terrorists.
In short Rohingas are Muslims. Their objective is primarily to gain a State. What ever other reasons they give are not important.
Arakanese
The Arakanese are called Rakhine which comes from Rakkhitta in Pali- one of the three sacred language of India, the other two being sankrit and Prakrit. It means the people who are capable of preserving and promoting, morality and Buddhism. In the Arakanese Chronicles this meaning is consistent both in writing and meaning. Therefore a genuine Arakanese means a Buddhist who is able to maintain Buddhist morality (not to kill yourself and not to kill others too) and to take care of his race.
The Term Arakanese comes from a Pali word Aratkha, which means the people capable of protecting their own land and its neighbors. In the Arakanese inscription, it is mention as Aratkha Desa which means the land protected by its people. This name, Arakan is often referred to Rakhaing by the foreigners. However, the Arakanese do not call themselves Arakanese. This is exactly like the Chinese who refers themselves as Chung Kuo, the middle country but not the Chinese. The name China comes from a combination of two Sanskrit words Chi and Na, which means sticky mud. In other word, the land where earth wares is made-chinaware.
The Arakanese are also called mag which comes from a Pali word, Magadha, the name of a State where Buddhism flourished. Worth noting is the fact that in the Thai language phasa magadha means the pali language, therefore the language used in Magadha State was Pali. Accordingly, the Arakanese who live in this Magadha State for many years would have spoken Pali In addition, in Bangalese literature mag means awesome and fearful. Historically being decedents of Indo Aryan Race they had lived in Magadha State for many years.
In terms of these findings, the major difference between the Rakhaing and the Rohingya is that a Rakhaing is a Buddhist and a Rohingya is a Muslim. The Rakhaing has a long history where as the Rohingya has a short history only after 1948.The Rakhaing are the genuine ethnic people and the Rogingyas are not.
Ethnic Nationality
In 1978 Dr. Maung Maung, then a State councilor invited U San Tha Aung Director General of the department of Higher Education and me to have the meeting in his office to discuss about the definition of the ethnic people in Burma. I could recall that Col, Kyaw Nyien who became Minister of Education in 1980 was sitting in the corner of the meeting room listening to our long discussion. The names of ethnic people are often mentioned in the revenue inquest of Bodaw Paya (1781-1819). In these records the name Rohingya is never mentioned. After a long academic discussion we decided that genuine ethnic people are those who live in Burma before the conclusion of the first Inglo- Burmese war (1824-26). This war is concluded by the treaty of Yandabo (1826). In other words the genuine ethnic people are those people living in Burma before the treaty of Yandabo. Those who came to Burma after 1826 such as Indian, Bengali, Chinese, and Jews are not native people of Burma .They are not genuine ethnic people.
Rohingya appeared only after the independence of Burma (1948). In the British records I never come across the name Rohingya. "A study of Migration between Arakan and Bengal during the reigns of Arakanese Kings." Never mentioned the name Rohigya.
In short, the Rohingyas are a new creation, which is not found in the Arakanese chronicles and in the British records as well. Their primary objective is to establish a State. On the other hand, The Rakhaing lost their land that they owned for many many centuries; they lost their religion-Buddhism, that they preserved and promoted for many many centuries; and, more importantly they lost their race that they love and respected for many many centuries.
Aye Kyaw
New York
Typing assistants
HHK and AMS
Wesite/Multiple Documents
Title: The Development of a Muslim Enclave in Arakan (Rakhine) State
of Burma (Myanmar)
Date of publication: September 2005
Author/Creator: Dr. Aye Chan
Language: English
Source/Publisher: SOAS Bulletin of Burma Research, Vol 3.No. 2, Auturnn 2005, ISSN
|
| I. Introduction Who are the Rohingyas? Burma gained independence from Great Britain in 1948 and this issue is a problem that Burma has had to grapple with since that time. The people who call themselves Rohingyas are the Muslims of Mayu Frontier area, present-day Buthidaung and Maungdaw Townships of Arakan (Rakhine) State, an isolated province in the western part of the country across Naaf River as boundary from Bangladesh. Arakan had been an independent kingdom before it was conquered by the Burmese in 1784. Rohingya historians have written many treatises in which they claim for themselves an indigenous status that is traceable within Arakan State for more than a thousand years. Although it is not accepted as a fact in academia, a few volumes purporting to be history but mainly composed of fictitious stories, myths and legends have been published formerly in Burma and later in the United States and Bangladesh. These, in turn, have filtered into the international media through international organizations, including reports to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees [Ba Tha 1960: 33-36; Razzaq and Haque 1995: 15].[*] In light of this, it is important to reexamine the ethnicity of these so-called Rohingyas and to trace their history back to the earliest presence of their ancestors in Arakan. And history tells us that we do not have to go back very far. It was in the early 1950s that a few Bengali Muslim intellectuals of the northwestern part of Arakan began to use the term "Rohingya" to call themselves. They were indeed the direct descendants of immigrants from the Chittagong District of East Bengal (present-day Bangladesh), who had migrated into Arakan after the province was ceded to British India under the terms of the Treaty of Yandabo, an event that was concluded at the end of the First Anglo-Burmese War (1824-1826). Most of these migrants settled down in the Mayu Frontier Area, near what is now Burma's border with modern Bangladesh. Actually, they were called "Chittagonians" in the British colonial records. The Muslims in the Arakan State can be divided into four different groups, namely the Chittagonian Bengalis in the Mayu Frontier; the descendents of the Muslim Community of Arakan in the Mrauk-U period (1430-1784), presently living in the Mrauk-U and Kyauktaw townships; the decendents of Muslim mercenaries in Ramree Island known to the Arakanese as Kaman; and the Muslims from the Myedu area of Central Burma, left behind by the Burmese invaders in Sandoway District after the conquest of Arakan in 1784.
II. Mass Migration in the Colonial Period (1826-1948) As was stated above, the term "Rohingya" came into use in the 1950s by the educated Bengali residents from the Mayu Frontier Area and cannot be found in any historical source in any language before then. The creators of that term might have been from the second or third generations of the Bengali immigrants from the Chittagong District in modern Bangladesh; however, I do not mean to say that there was no Muslim community in Arakan before the state was absorbed into British India. When King Min Saw Mon, the founder of Mrauk-U Dynasty (1430-1784) regained the throne with the military assistance of the Sultan of Bengal, after twenty-four years of exile in Bengal, his Bengali retinues were allowed to settle down in the outskirts of Mrauk-U, where they built the well-known Santikan mosque. These were the earliest Muslim settlers and their community in Arakan did not seem to be large in number. In the middle of the seventeenth century the Muslim community grew because of the assignment of Bengali slaves in variety of the workforces in the country. The Portuguese and Arakanese raids of Benga (Bengal) for captives and loot became a conventional practice of the kingdom since the early sixteenth century. The Moghal historian Shiahabuddin Talish noted that only the Portuguese pirates sold their captives and that the Arakanese employed all of their prisoners in agriculture and other kinds of services [Talish 1907: 422]. Furthermore there seem to have been a small group of Muslim gentry at the court. Some of them might have served the king as Bengali, Persian and Arabic scribes. Because the Mrauk-U kings, though of being Buddhist, adopted some Islamic fashions such as the maintaing of silver coins that bore their Muslim titles in Persian and occasionally appearing in Muslim costumes in the style of the Sultan of Bengal. Accordingly there were Muslim servants at the court helping the king perform these Islamic conventions [Charney 1999: 146]. Arthur Phayre, the first deputy commissioner of Arakan, after the British annexation, reported about the indigenous races of Akyab District and the Muslim descendents from the Arakanese days as: "The inhabitants are, In the Plains - 1. Ro-khoing-tha [Arakanese]-2. Ko-la [Indian] - 3. Dôm[Low Caste Hindu]. In theHills - 1. Khyoung-tha - 2.Kumé or Kwémwé - 3. Khyang - 4. Doing-nuk, Mroong, and other tribes... While the Arakanese held these possessions in Bengal, they appear to have sent numbers of the inhabitants into Arakan as slaves, whence arose the present Ko- la population of the country [Phayre 1836: 680 - 681]". During the four decades of Burmese rule (1784-1824), because of the ruthless oppressions, many Arakanese fled to British Bengal. According to a record of British East India Company, there were about 35,000 Arakanese who had fled to Chittagong District in British India to seek protection in 1799 [Asiatic Annual Register 1799:61; Charney 1999: 265]. The following report by Francis Buchanan gives a clear portrait of all the atrocities committed by the Burmese invaders in Arakan: "Puran says that, in one day soon after the conquest of Arakan the Burmans put 40,000 men to Death: that wherever they found a pretty Woman, they took her after killing the husband; and the young Girls they took without any consideration of their parents, and thus deprived these poor people of the property, by which in Eastern India the aged most commonly support their infirmities. Puran seems to be terribly afraid, that the Government of Bengal will be forced to give up to the Burmans all the refugees from Arakan. [Buchanan 1992: 82].[†]" A considerable portion of Arakanese population was deported by Burmese conquerors to Central Burma. When the British occupied Arakan, the country was a scarcely populated area. Formerly high-yield paddy fields of the fertile Kaladan and Lemro River Valleys germinated nothing but wild plants for many years [Charney 1999: 279]. Thus, the British policy was to encourage the Bengali inhabitants from the adjacent areas to migrate into fertile valleys in Arakan as agriculturalists. As the British East India Company extended the administration of Bengal to Arakan, there was no international boundary between the two countries and no restriction was imposed on the emigration. A superintendent, later an assistant commissioner, directly responsible to the Commissioner of Bengal, was sent in 1828 for the administration of Arakan Division, which was divided into three districts respectively: Akyab, Kyaukpyu, and Sandoway with an assistant commissioner in each district [Furnivall 1957:29]. The migrations were mostly motivated by the search of professional opportunity. During the Burmese occupation there was a breakdown of the indigenous labor force both in size and structure. Arthur Phayre reported that in the 1830s the wages in Arakan compared with those of Bengal were very high. Therefore many hundreds, indeed thousands of coolies came from the Chittagong District by land and by sea, to seek labor and high wages [Phayre 1836:696]. R.B. Smart, the deputy assistant commissioner of Akyab wrote about the floods of immigrants from Chittagong District as follows: "Since 1879, immigration has taken place on a much larger scale, and the descendants of the slaves are resident for the most part in the Kyauktaw and Myohaung [Mrauk-U] townships. Maungdaw Township has been overrun by Chittagonian immigrants. Buthidaung is not far behind and new arrivals will be found in almost every part of the district [Smart 1957: 89]." At first most of them came to Arakan as seasonal agricultural laborers and went home after the harvest was done. R. B. Smart estimated the number at about 25,000 during the crop-reaping season alone. He added that about the same number came to assist in plowing operations, to work at the mills and in the carrying trades. A total of 50,000 immigrants coming annually were probably not far from the mark [Smart 1957: 99]. Moreover, land-hunger was the prime mover of the migration of most of the Chittagonians. The British judicial records tell us of an increase in the first decade of the twentieth century in lawsuits of litigation for the possession of land. The Akyab District Magistrate reported in 1913 that in Buthidaung Subdivision, the Chittagonian immigrants stand to native Arakanese in the proportion of two to one, but six sevenths of the litigation for land in the court was initiated by the Chittagonians [Smart 1957: 163]. Another colonial record delivers about a striking account of the settlements of the Bengali immigrants from Chittagong District as: "Though we are in Arakan, we passed many villages occupied by Muslim settlers or descendents of the settlers, and many of them Chittagonians [Walker 1891(I): 15]." The colonial administration of India regarded the Bengalis as amenable subjects while finding the indigenous Arakanese too defiant, rising in rebellion twice in 1830s. The British policy was also favorable for the settlement of Bengali agricultural communities in Arakan. A colonial record says: "Bengalis are a frugal race, who can pay without difficulty a tax that would press very heavily on the Arakanese....[They are] not addicted like the Arakanese to gambling, and opium smoking, and their competition is gradually ousting the Arakanese [ Report of the Settlement Operation in the Akyab District 1887-1888: 21]." The flow of Chittagonian labor provided the main impetus to the economic development in Arakan within a few decades along with the opening of regular commercial shipping lines between Chittagong and Akyab. The arable land expanded to four and a half times between 1830 and 1852 and Akyab became one of the major rice exporting cities in the world. Indeed, during a century of colonial rule, the Chittagonian immigrants became the numerically dominant ethnic group in the Mayu Frontier. The following census assessment shows the increase of population of the various ethnic/religious groups inhabiting Akyab District according to the census reports of 1871, 1901 and 1911. There was an increase of 155 per cent in the population in the district. According to the reports, even in an interior township Kyauktaw, the Chittagonian population increased from 13,987 in 1891 to 19, 360 in 1911, or about 77 percent in twenty years. At the same time the increase of the Arakanese population including the absorption of the hill tribes and the returning refugees from Bengal was only 22.03 percent. The Assessment of the Census Reports for the years 1871, 1901, and 1911
It should be noted that all the Chittagonians and all the Muslims are categorized as Mohamedan in the census reports. There was an increase of 206.67 percent in Mahomedan population in the Akyab District and it was clear that only a few numbers of the transient agricultural laborers went home after the plowing and harvesting seasons and most of them remained in Arakan, making their homes@[Smart 1957:83].[‡] The heyday of the migration was in the second half of the nineteenth century after opening of the Suez Canal, for the British colonialists needed more labor to produce rice which was in growing demand in the international market. In the 1921 Census, many Muslims in Arakan were listed as Indians [Bennison 1931: 213].
III. Communal Violence Moshe Yeagar suggested that during the colonial period the anti-Indian riots broke out in Burma because of the resentment against unhindered Indian settlements particularly in Arakan, Tenasserim and Lower Burma [Yegar 1992:29-31]. But those riots that took place in Rangoon and other major cities in 1926 and 1938 never had had any effects on the peoples of Arakan. A peaceful coexistence was possible for the two different religious/ethnic groups in the Mayu Frontier till the beginning of the World War II. At the beginning of colonial era the establishment of bureaucratic administration by the British repealed the traditional patron-client relationship in the Arakanese villages. The elected village headman had little influence on the elected village council. As John F. Cady wrote, the government policy of forbidding the village headman to take part in the activities related to the nationalist movements weakened the position of the headman as the leader of village community, and as well as his connection with the Buddhist monastery because most of the Buddhist monks were vigorously active in the movements [Cady 1958: 172-273]. On the other hand British administration to a certain extent gave the Muslim village communities religious and cultural autonomy. Maung Nyo, a kyun-ok (headman of the village tract) of Maungdaw Township recorded how the new comers from the Chittagong District set up their village communities in the frontier area. They occupied the villages deserted by the Arakanese during the Burmese rule and established purely Muslim village communities. The village committee authorized by the Village Amendment Act of 1924 paved the way for the Imam (moulovi) and the trusteeship committee members of the village mosque to be elected to the village council. They were also allowed to act as the village magistrates and shariah was somewhat in effect in the Muslim villages [Charter 1938:34-38]. At least the Islamic court of village had the jurisdiction over familial problems such as marriage, inheritance and divorce. There was no internal sense of unrighteousness and presence of nonbelievers in their community, and accordingly they believe no internecine struggle was for the time being necessary. However, the ethnic violence between Arakanese Buddhists and those Muslim Chittagonians brought a great deal of bloodshed to Arakan during the World War II and after 1948, in the opening decade of independent Burma. Some people of the Mayu Frontier in their early seventies and eighties have still not forgotten the atrocities they suffered in 1942 and 1943 during the short period of anarchy between the British evacuation and the Japanese occupation of the area. In this vacuum there was an outburst of the tension of ethnic and religious cleavage that had been simmering for a century. One of the underlying causes of the communal violence was the Zamindary System brought by the British from Bengal. By this system the British administrators granted the Bengali landowners thousands of acres of arable land on ninety-year-leases. The Arakanese peasants who fled the Burmese rule and came home after British annexation were deprived of the land that they formerly owned through inheritance. Nor did the Bengali zamindars (landowners) want the Arakanese as tenants on their land. Thousands of Bengali peasants from Chittagong District were brought to cultivate the soil [Report of the Settlement Operations in the Akyab District 1887-1888: 2, 21]. Most of the Bengali immigrants were influenced by the Fara-i-di movement in Bengal that propagated the ideology of the Wahhabis of Arabia, which advocated settling ikhwan or brethren in agricultural communities near to the places of water resources. The peasants, according to the teaching, besides cultivating the land should be ready for waging a holy war upon the call by their lords [Rahman 1979: 200-204]. In Maungdaw Township alone, there were, in the 1910s, fifteen Bengali Zamindars who brought thousands of Chittagonian tenants and established Agricultural Muslim communities, building mosques with Islamic schools affiliated to them. However, all these villages occupied by the Bengalis continued to be called by Arakanese names in the British records [Grantham and Lat 1956: 41-43, 48-51]. For the convenience of Chittagonians seasonal laborers the Arakan Flotilla Company constructed a railway between Buthidaung and Maungdaw in 1914. Their plan was to connect Chittagong by railway with Buthidaung, from where the Arakan Flotilla steamers were ferrying to Akyab and other towns in central and southern Arakan. In the age of the independence movement in Burma in 1920s and 1930s the Muslims from the Mayu Frontier were more concerned with the progress of Muslim League in India, although some prominent Burmese Muslims such as M.A. Rashid and U Razak were playing an important role in the leadership of the Burmese nationalist movement. In 1931, the Simon Commission was appointed by the British Parliament to enquire the opinion of Burmese people for the constitutional reforms and on the matter of whether Burma should be separated from Indian Empire. The spokeman of the Muslim League advocated for fair share of government jobs, 10 per cent representation in all public bodies, and especially in Arakan the equal treatment for Muslims seeking agricultural and business loans [Cady 1958: 294]. In education, the Chittagonians were left behind the Arakanese throughout the colonial period. According to the census of 1901 only 4.5 percent of the Bengali Muslims were found to be literate while the percentage for the Arakanese was 25.5. Smart reported that it was due to the ignorance of the advantages of the education among the Chittagonian agriculturists. Especially Buthidaung and Maungdaw were reported to be most backward townships because the large Muslim population in that area mostly agriculturalists showed little interest in education. In 1894 there were 9 Urdur schools with 375 students in the whole district. The British provincial administration appointed a deputy inspector for Muslim schools and in 1902 the number of schools rose to 72 and the students increased to 1,474 [Smart 1957: 207-209]. Consequently, more Arakanese and Hindu Indians were involved in the ancillary services of the colonial administration. Towards the middle of twentieth century a new educated and politically conscious younger generation had superseded the older, inactive ones. Before the beginning of the Second World War a political party, Jami-a-tul Ulema-e Islam was founded under the guidance of the Islamic scholars. Islam became the ideological basis of the party [Khin Gyi Pyaw 1960: 99]. Regarding the beginning of the ethnic violence in Arakan, Moshe Yeagar wrote that when the British administration was withdrawn to India in 1942 the Arakanese hoodlums began to attack the Muslim villages in southern Arakan and the Muslims fled to the north where they took vengeance on the Arakanese in Buthidaung and Maungdaw townships [Yegar 1972:67]. However, an Arakanese record says: "When the British administration collapsed by the Japanese occupation, the village headman of Rak-chaung village in Myebon Township and his two younger brothers were killed by the kula [Muslim] villagers. Although the headman was an Arakanese, some of the villagers were kulas. The two Arakanese young men, Thein Gyaw Aung and Kyaw Ya, organized a group and attacked the kula villages and some inhabitants were killed [Rakhine State People's Council 1986: 36]. It is certain that hundreds of Muslim inhabitants of Southern Arakan fled northward, and that there were some cases of robbing the Indian refugees on the Padaung-Taungup pass over the Arakan Yoma mountain ranges after the retreat of the British from the Pegu Division and southern Arakan. But the news of killing, robbery and rape was exaggerated when it reached Burma India border [Ba Maw 1968: 78]. The British left all these areas to the mercy of both Burmese and Arakanese dacoits. However, N.R. Chakravati, an Indian scholar, gives a brief account of the flights of Indian refugees from the war zone in the Irrawady valley across the Arakan Yoma. "Most of the estimated 900,000 Indians living in Burma attempted to walk over to India...100,000 died at the time... Practically all Indians except those who were not physically fit or were utterly helpless, began to move from place to place in search of safety and protection until they could reach India [Chakravarti 1971:170]." The estimated number of Chakravarti includes all the Indian refugees from the whole Burma proper excluding Arakan. The number of Chittagonian refugees put by Yegar was close to 22, 000. [Yegar 1972: 98]. However, the leaders of ANC (Arakan National Congress), formed in 1939 and that later becoming the Arakan branch of Anti-Fascist Organization (AFO) formed a de-facto government, before the Japanese troops and Burma Independence Army (BIA) reached there. The ANC announced that anybody or any organization looting or killing the refugees would be brought before the justice and would be severely punished [ New Burma Daily 1942: May 28]. The Japanese air force attacked Akyab on March 23, 1942 and the British moved their administrative headquarter to India on March 30. The administration by martial law began in Akyab District on April 13, 1942 and with this racial tension burst to the surface, giving way to the public disorder [Owen 1946: 26]. For all the bloody communal violence experienced by the Arakanese Buddhists in the Western frontier, I feel strongly that it is reasonable to blame the British colonial administration for arming the Chittagonians in the Mayu Frontier as the Volunteer Force. The V Force, as it is called by the British Army, was formed in 1942 soon after the Japanese operations threatened the British position in India. Its principal role was to undertake guerrilla operations against Japanese, to collect information of the enemy's movements and to act as interpreters. But the British Army Liaison Officer, Anthony Irwin wrote that the participation of the local V Forces in the skirmishes with the Japanese in Arakan was discredited by the British commanders [Irwin 1946: 7-8, 16]. The volunteers, instead of fighting the Japanese, destroyed Buddhist monasteries and Pagodas and burnt down the houses in the Arakanese villages. They first killed U Kyaw Khine, the deputy commissioner of Akyab District, left behind by the British government to maintain law and order in the frontier area; they then massacred thousands of Arakanese civilians in the towns and villages. A record of the Secretary of British governor of Burma in exile dated February 4, 1943 reads: "I have been told harrowing tales of cruelty and suffering inflicted on the Arakanese villages in the Ratheedaung area. Most of the villages on the West bank of the Mayu River have been burnt and destroyed by the Chittagonian V forces.... The enemy never came to these villages. They had the misfortune of being in the way of our advancing patrols. Hundreds of villagers are said to be hiding in the hills... It will be the Arakanese who will be ousted from their ancestral land and if they cannot be won over in time, then there can be no hope of their salvation [British Library, London, India Office Records R/8/9GS. 4243]." After the Japanese occupation of Akyab (Sittwe), Bo Yan Aung, the member of the Thirty Comrades and commander of a BIA column, set up the administrative body in Akyab District and attempted to cease the violence in the frontier area. Bo Yan Aung discussed the matter with both Arakanese and Muslim leaders. He sent his two lieutenants, Bo Yan Naung and Bo Myo Nyunt to Maungdaw to negotiate with the radical Muslim leaders. They tried to persuade the Muslims to join in anti-imperialist and nationalist movement. But both of them were killed in Maungdaw and Bo Yan Aung was called back to Rangoon by the BIA headquarters [Rakhine State People's Council 1986: 40-42]. For most of the Chittagonians it was a religious issue that would necessarily lead to the creation of a Dah-rul-Islam, or at least to being united with their brethren in the west. It also aimed at the extirpation of the Arakanese or being forced them to migrate to the south where there were overwhelming majority of Arakanese Buddhists. The events during the war contributed the Chittagonians' fervent sense of alienation from the heterogeneous community of the Arakan. Anthony Irwin called the whole area a "No Man's Land" during the three years of Japanese occupation [Irwin 1946:27]. Irwin explained how the ethnic violence divided the Arakan State between Arakanese and Chittagonians: "As the area then occupied by us was almost entirely Mussulman Country ... [from] that we drew most of our "Scouts" and Agents. The Arakan before the war had been occupied over its entire lenghth by both Mussulman and Maugh [Arakanese]. Then in 1941 the two sects set to and fought. The result of this w |








