ARAKANLAND
Burma: How It Can Solve Its Problems
By: Kyaw Tun
Burma, also known as Myanmar, has had too many unsolved problems under the Burmese Military Government. According to humanitarian news and analysis (IRIN), it emphasizes the roots of ethnic problem, which are the major focus in Burma:
Each ethnic group regards the protection of their individual Language, customs, culture, and natural resources important to their national identity. At the same time, the government has steadfastly believed that a “crisis of the minorities—internal conflict among Myanmar’s sizable minority communities, which make up one-third of the population—could undermine the country’s stability. (”Briefing: Myanmar’s Ethnic Problems”)
According to “Burma,” the Burmese Military Government held a Parliamentary election in November 2010, and its own Union Solidarity and Development Party won over 75% of the seats of Parliament. Its party President, U Thein Sein, was selected as a prime minister after the convening of the Burma Parliament in January 2011. However, all higher national-level positions are appointed by U Thein Sein. They are all former generals or current military officers. As an opening of the long-isolated country, the Burmese government has led the initiating of a series of political and economic reforms ("Burma”). In fact, Burma must solve two main problems: political and economic.
First there is a need to solve political problems: the right of self-determination and democracy. According to Min, Burma has many indigenous people, including Burmese and seven major national groups: Arakanese, Chin, Kachin, Karen, Karenni, Mon and Shan. When Burma attained independence from Great Britain in 1948, various major ethnic groups took up arms against Burmese rule: Karan in 1949, Mon in 1949, Rakhine (Arakanese) in 1950s, Karenni in the 1951, Kachin in 1958, and Shan in 1964. Their struggle is to protect their states and getting autonomy, rights of indigenous people, and an inclusive democracy (“Briefing: Myanmar’s Ethnic Problems”). However, the Burmese Military Government argues that this will separate the country and continue the legacy of British colonial rule. The government denies the “United Nations Declaration on the Right of Indigenous People.” The right to self-determination, autonomy, self-government, and indigenous institutions are as below:
Indigenous people have long traditions of self-government, independent decision-making and institutional
self-reliance While the particular circumstances vary, indigenous peoples Throughout the world have exercised what is now described as the right to self-determination as an inherent right derived from their political, economic and social structures. As well as their cultures, spiritual traditions, histories and philosophies, throughout the histories. (“The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples: A Manual for National Human Rights Institutions”)
According to Min, this problem has a longer history, and these ethnic tensions are not easy to solve. U Nu, the first democratically elected prime minister of Burma, could not solve all the tensions since Burma attained independence from Great British in 1948 (Min). U Nu’s Government, also known as the union government, and its parliament—the majority of which is occupied by Burmese MP—did not want to solve the problem with peaceful dialogue on all political issues. Because “the government was challenged by ethnic groups, who had been promised more autonomy within ten years in the new constitution, and communists” (“Some Background Information about Burma”). The Union Government, led by U Nu, strongly agreed to crush all revolution groups, including the Burma Communist Party, and they totally depended on the Burma Army. As the result of the non-solution of U Nu’s government, the Burma Army, led by General Ne Win, seized power in 1962, and Prime Minister U Nu, his cabinet, and the tribal chiefs were arrested (Tin). He declared martial law, dissolved the parliament, and abolished the constitution (Tin). And he formed the Revolutionary Council (RC) and declared the “Burmese Way to Socialism,” which is an ideological mix of extreme nationalism, Marxism, and Buddhism (“The Ne Win Years: 1962-1988”). The Revolutionary Council, headed by General Ne Win founded a party system called the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP), and he led the party as chairman for 26 years, from 4 July 1962 until 23 July 1988, according to “ The Ne Win Years:1962-1988.” His so-called BSPP could not solve the political problems-- especially rights of self-determination of indigenous people of Burma. His Burma Army attacked all revolutionary parties and organizations, including Karan National Union (KNU), Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), Burma Communist Party (BCP), and small armed groups. As a result of the counterinsurgency campaigns of BSPP, all ethnic rebel groups unanimously formed the National Democratic Front of Burma in 1975 (“Some Background Information about Burma”). These groups belonged to the Democratic Alliance of Burma (DAB) and the National Coalition of the Union of Burma (NCUB) and cooperated with the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB) after the democracy up-rising in 1988.
Finally, these ethnic armed groups have still been fighting against the Burmese Army since 1948. According to Burma Project, Burma has remained a country which is in ethnic crisis and political transition (“Ethnic Politics in Burma: The Time for Solutions”). To find a solution, U Aung Min, a minister of the Burmese Military Government, and various ethnic groups have discussed all the issues through a political dialogue process with ceasefires. However, some argue that “Lama Gum Hpan, of the Kachin Independence Organization, said although the government has recently made overtures, the rulers are not interested in ceasefire.” “We want to find long-lasting and durable solutions to the ethnic oppression in this country” (“Briefing: Myanmar’s Ethnic Problems”). In fact, the Burmese Military Government must solve the ethnic problem emphatically without any reason and delay because of this is main problem of Burma.
The second major solution is the need for democracy. All Burmese and indigenous people of Burma have demanded democracy since General Ne Win forcefully took the country’s power in March 1962, and he formed the de facto government called the “Revolutionary Council (RC).” It ordered the arrest of Prime Minister U Nu, his government ministers, and ethnic elders, according to “Some Background Information about Burma.” He established his Burma Socialist Program Party, which was a one-party monopoly, and he replaced the parliament with a military dictatorship, and all opponents were jailed (“U Ne Win”). Under the rule of totalitarian, the people of Burma, including ethnic nationalities, were suppressed, and the country became the “Least Developed Country” according to the UN in 1987 (“The Ne Win Years: 1962-1988”).
For the 26 years of ruthless rule of the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP), university students led demonstrations against the BSPP, and hundreds of thousands of people marched to demand the BSPP regime be abolished and replaced by an elected civilian government in August 1988. Thousands of protesters were shot dead by the Burmese Army (Lansner).
Again, the Burmese Army, backed by U Ne Win, announced a coup of power by the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) on September 18, 1988 (Lansner). In late 1988, the SLORC announced the multi-party democracy and it held elections for Parliament in 1990. The National League for Democracy (NLD), led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, won a landslide victory, but the military government did not recognized the result of the election and refused to hand over power to NLD (Min). The Military government argued the election was held for drawing a new constitution. The military government, also known as State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), drew up a new constitution by its picked delegations. In September 2007, the Burmese military government brutally suppressed and killed the protesters--- prodemocracy activists and Buddhist monks--- over increased fuel prices. There were at least 13 people killed, and thousands of participants were arrested in the demonstrations ("Burma").
After writing the constitutional law, the Burmese Military Government successfully held the referendum on May 10 and May 15, 2008. According to Union of Myanmar Commission for Holding the Referendum Announcement No. 10/2008, 11/2008, and 12/2008, on May 2008, the referendum approved the draft of the constitution of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar (“The Republic of the Union of Myanmar”). This constitutional law legitimized the Burmese Army’s control of the state’s power. However, the people of Burma, including ethnic nationalities, have argued against acceptance and have demanded an amendment to the 2008 Myanmar constitutional law because this constitutional law, written by military government, allows 25% of members of parliament to be military personnel without election, and the president must have experience in military. He also controls the veto power over constitutional amendments (“The Republic of the Union of Myanmar” 3, 19, 20,104, 105, 106, 107). According to Radio Free Asia Burmese Program, Burma’s Military lawmakers refuse to give up veto power and they deny to amendments to the charters—especially article 59 (f) and article 436.
Finally, the people of Burma strongly oppose the Myanmar Constitutional Law of 2008 and believe that Burma cannot achieve the solution that matters: the rights of self-determination of indigenous people of Burma, the basic principles of rights of democracy without amendments to the charters.
Thirdly, Burma has tried to solve its economic problem with corruption. The Burma economy was bankrupt when U Ne Win nationalized the policy of the economy which led to the country’s isolation and growth of the black market. It was became one of the world’s poorest countries. But the Burmese military ruler argued that some could be capable of implementing successful economic programs during the caretaker government period of 1958-60 (McCarthy). When the Burmese military ruled again in 1988, they opened foreign investment with partial economic liberalization (McCarthy). However, its open market economy, which is a form of crony capitalism and controlled by the military government, controls the Burmese economy through its own companies: the Union of Myanmar Economic Holding Limited (UMEH) and the Myanmar Economic Cooperation (MEC) The objectives of UMEC are to provide help to the retired military personnel and their families as well as the public and country’s economic development (Min). In fact, Burmese economic policy is definitely owned by Burmese Military Government and its cronies.
According to the Washington Post, since 2010, Burma (Myanmar) has rapidly changed the policy that military government has reformed the democratic process that promptly effects to ease the economic sanctions of Western government (Annie). In Rangoon (Yangon), a former capital of Burma, many business centers have opened, such as luxury car dealerships, and Coca-Cola returned after 60 years, and the first Hilton Worldwide will open soon (Annie).
However, all business opportunities have been handled by the Burmese Military Government. U Tay Za, who is a business tycoon and close to former Burmese dictatorship Senior General Than Shwe, has possessed many business sectors: Air Bagan Air Line, Myanmar Treasure Resort (Hotel Group), Aureun Palace (Hotel Group), Htoo Trading (Import & Export), AGD Bank, Kandawgyi Palace Hotel, Papa Mountain Resort, Malikha Lounge (Myit Kyina), and Myanmar Treasure Transporation (Oo). Both Max Zaw Zaw and U Khin Maung Aye are also business partners of the government. Max ZawZaw is a chairperson of Max Myanmar Group of Companies which controls many businesses, including Max beverage, construction, transportation, and hotel and tourism. U Khin Maung Maung Aye has held the CB Bank, KMA Hotel Group, KMA Travel & Tour, and Golden Myanmar Airline, which is a cheapest cost airline in Burma (Oo).
Finally, the Burma economy has developed after the easing of some economic sanctions from the European Union and U.S.A. When the Burmese military personal and their cronies are billionaires, millions of people in Burma are still poor, and some of them are still working as migrant laborers in neighboring countries. Mrs. Khin Oo, who recently came from Burma to the U.S.A, explains that there are two different classes that have emerged, richest and poorest, under the rule of the military government, and land and houses cost too much. She says, “The character of people absolutely corrupts and the grass-roots people have hopeless anywhere because government neglects them.”
In fact, the government needs to help poor people get better jobs and business opportunities in their country and reduce poverty. It must create many business sectors and build economic structures in the whole of the country without discrimination of state and division.
In addition, the military government is still widening human rights violations across the country through suppression by the policy of the government of Burma. Especially, ethnic minorities who live in border area have been the most brutally violated by the Burmese Army since Burma’s independence in 1948. They do not respect the “Universal Declaration of Human Rights.”
For the purpose of peace, security, stability, and development, if the Burmese Military Government wants to achieve its announcement “Burmese way to democracy,” the government must respect human rights, indigenous people’s rights, and the fundamental rights of democracy. And the government and its parliament must respect people’s demand to amend the Myanmar Constitution 2008.
Works Cited
Annie, Gowen. “Democracy Elusive in Burma.” The Washington Post 21 July 2014. Web. 23 Oct.2014.
“Briefing: Myanmar’s Ethnic Problem.” IRIN 29 March. 2009. IRIN Asia:Myanmar. Web.
23 Oct. 2014.
"Burma." Cia World Factbook. Washington: CIA, 2014. Credo Reference. Web. 23 Oct. 2014.
“Ethnic Politics in Burma: The Time for Solution.” Burma Project 14 Feb. 2011. Web 23 Oct. 2014.
Lansner, Thomas R. “Brief History of Burma.” University of California, Berkeley Graduateschool of Journalism. Backpacking Burma. Web. 23 Oct 2014.
McCarthy, Stephen. “Legitimacy under Military Rule: Burma.” Policy Studies Organization June 2010. Politics & Policy. Web. 21 Oct. 2014.
Min, Win. “Burmese Military Government: Crony Capitalists in Uniform.” Davidmetraus.com, N.p. Web. 23 Oct. 2014.
“Some Background Information about Burma.” Burma Watch Internation., 533 Buchanan Road NW, Edmonton. 20 Mar. 2010. Web. 23 Oct. 2014.
Oo, Khin. Personal interview. 29 Oct. 2014.
“The Ne Win Years: 1962-1988.” Oxford Burma Allianc., Two Oxford Students. Web. 23 Oct. 2014.
The Republic of the Union of Myanmar. Dept. of Ministry of Information. Constitution of the
Republic of the Union of Myanmar (2008). Rangoon: Oct, 2013. Print.
“The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples: A Manual for National Human Rights Institutionas.” Asia Pacific Forum National Human Rights Institutions and the office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. Geneva. Aug. 2013. Web. 23 Oct. 2014.
Tin, Win. “General Ne Win.” Telegraph.co.uk. Telegraph Newspaper. Web. 28 Oct. 2014.
“U Ne Win,” Bio. A&E Television Networks, 2014. Web. 28 Oct. 2014.
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