ARAKANLAND
Problem of Arakan under the Infamous Burmese Military Rulers
By: Kyaw Tun
Arakan, also known as Rakhine, is one of the states of Burma (Myanmar), and it is situated between the Arakan Roma (Arakan Range) and Bangladesh. According to Burma’s LostKingdom: Splendours of Arakan, “For over a thousand years the region which now forms the Rakhine State of the Union of Myanmar (Burma) was an independent state” (Gutman 3). Unfortunately, it was occupied by different countries. Burma forces invaded and conquered Arakan in 1784 (“1784-1785: A Global Chronology of Conflict”). The British encroached in 1824, and Japan penetrated in 1942. During the Burmese colonization in 1784-1824, the people of Arakan were victims of crimes against humanity by their Burmese successors, according to the local chronicle “Rakhine Razawon Thiek Kyan (New History of Arakan),” written by Ashun Sandamalalinkara. When the British rule in Arakan, with colonialism as a divide and rule policy, the economy of Arakan developed, and the social and political life of Arakan stabilized. However, the situation was still bad because the British Government allowed seasonal laborers from East Bengal to enter Arakan. Japan ruled Arakan for three years with fascism (“A Brief Background and History of Arakan”). When Burma gained independence from Great Britain in 1948, Arakan was subjected to Myanmar rulers. Due to Burmese subjection, the people of Arakan now face serious problems: social discrimination, economic exploitation, and political suppression.
First, the social discrimination is one of the violations of the Burmese government which has racially ruled Arakan. The authorities always treat the Arakanese people as second class citizens. There are no equal opportunities; all high-level administrators and officers are Burmese, and there is no chance of getting jobs for the indigenous people of Arakan. When the Burmese government built many factories and heavy industries in Burma proper, Arakan was still ignored by authorities. This caused an increase in unemployment and poverty in Arakan. According to UNDP’s Burma report, “Integrated Household Living Conditions Survey in Myanmar (2009-2010): Poverty Profile,” Arakan (Rakhine State) is one of the second poorest states of Burma after Chin State. Looking for better job, many Arakanese—migrant labors-- went to Thailand, Malaysia, and other countries (“Burmese Migrants Struggle in Malaysia”). The people of Arakan have no opportunity to get jobs for their families to survive due to Burmese government’s discrimination policy. Second, human rights violations are widely spread in Arakan. Myanmar authorities, especially the Myanmar Army, systematically violate the local people. They have confiscated many lands from the native people of Arakan without compensation. For the Shwe Gas Field Project and the Arakan-China Pipeline Project, the authorities occupied many farmyards in Kyauk Pru Township. The farmers have not received any compensation. At the same time, authorities block fishing in the gas project area. Both farmers and fishermen have faced hardship. During the construction of the ‘Shwe Gas Project,’ the Burmese Army used forced labor. The Burmese Army committed harassments and rape of Arakanese teens, and they forced marriages of Arakanese people. Similarly, Burmese authorities have violated both Arakanese and Chin through the ‘Kalandan multimodal transport,’ which helps Burma through India, which is concerned about China’s growing influence. And India wants to gain access to the natural gas reserves off the Arakan coast (Johnson, Kazmin, and Mcgregor). Arakanese people have met every type of violation of human rights by Burmese authorities. Also, educational opportunities in Arakan are unacceptable because of the Myanmar Military Government’s discriminations policy. Eighty percent of people who live in rural areas do not pass the primary level. They totally depend on Monastic Schools. Arakan’s educational standard is shown in the lower 75%, according to the UNDP’s report in June, 2011 (UNDP 89).
In addition, there is no medical insurance. Myanmar Medicare Systems takes free care of children under five. The Myanmar People’s Hospital provides free surgery for emergency patients and free medication to maternal patients, according to Dr. Daw Thein Thein Htay, Deputy Minister for Heath of Burma (“Measures Being Taken for People to Enjoy Medicare System”). There are many shortages in facilities. Patients depend on foreign made medicines. Prices are very expensive. The medicine is illegally brought to the country from Bangladesh, India, China, and Thailand. In the People’s Hospital, the patients who are poor and who come from rural areas are always discriminated by doctors and nurses. The rights of patients are nothing in Burma (“Myanmar Patient Pay the Price”).
Arakan is one of the richest archaeological sites in Myanmar. Despite this, the Myanmar Military Government declared the old cultural heritage zones of Dhanywadi, Vesali, and Mrauk U to be turned into rail-road crossings, which has systematically destroyed historical sites, including city walls and pagodas. These three sites are officially recognized as “Protected and Preserved Zone (PZ)” (Han 40, 41, 42). These are totally violated by Burmese government.
The second major problem of the Burmese Military Government is that it set up a policy that economically exploits Arakan. Arakan is abundant in natural resources: natural gas, oil, marble, and timber. The government sold Arakan’s natural gas to China: Burmese workers are building what is being called "one of the most lucrative foreign-funded development projects in the country's history." The twin oil pipelines will stretch from Burma's west coast to its northeast border and into China. The pipelines are expected to earn Burma about $1 billion per year, however, not everyone is a supporter. (“Foreign Investors Back Burma Pipeline)
According to “Pipeline Project Seal Chinese Links with Burma,” the local people are worried because
this gas belongs to all people of the region. It should not be taken without benefitting the people. The
Burmese army will get the money, and they will use it to purchase weapons to kill people (Jenkins).
This project—gas pipeline and crude oil pipeline led by China National Petroleum Corporation with other
companies from Burma, South Korea and India-- has a 30 year period of MoU with China, and Burma
signed to sell 6.5 trillion cubic feet (cf) of gas from the Shwe gas fields of the Arakan coast. The Burma
government will earn at least $29 billion before transferring to Burma (“No Blood for Gas 2”). However,
the people of Arakan have no benefit in this project. When the Burma regime sold the gas, the people of
Arakan faced a shortage of electricity.
On the other hand, the Burmese Military Government has started a multi-million dollar project with the assistance of India since 2010. This multimodal transport project has constructed a road and inland waterway from Sittwey (Akyab) port in Arakanto Mizoram and Calcutta in India. This project will supply gas from Arakan to north-eastern India. The Kalandan Movement, an alliance of Arakan River Network (ARN), the Chin Human Rights Organization (CHRO) in Burma, and the Zo Indigenous Forum (ZIF) and several other civil society groups express their deepest concern about the lack of benefits to the local people of Arakan and Chin (“Kaladan Project should benefit India, Myanmar: Pressure Groups.”).
Arakan is totally dependent on agriculture, fishing, and forestry which are the major Arakanese industries. Rice is the main crop in Arakan State, and rice cultivation takes up the 85% of total agricultural land. There are estimated 70% farmers, 20% fisherman, 5% traders, and 5% government servants. Fresh-fish, shrimp, lobster, and dried-fish (salt-fish) are mainly exported out of state. Coconut and toddy palm plantations are also important businesses. And bamboo, fuel wood, and timber productions are also the main earning for local businesses. Crude oil is traditionally produced with primitive methods. However, all major business are still controlled by the Burmese Military Government and their cronies,and they have taken all business opportunities, including Arakan’s trade (Min 8, 9).
Finally, the most important problem is political in Arakan, which has still lost its independence under the Burmese government suppression policy, according to Myanmar Constitution Law 2008. Arakan is a country which is now part of Burma, but then was an independent kingdom (Collis 15). It has a long history and its chronicle era is calculated from 3325 BC until to 1784 AD when the Burmese King, Bodaw Maung Wying, brutally invaded Arakan with an unjust or a genocidal war. After 40 years of inhuman Burmese rule in Arakan, colonists from England via India and Japan came to Arakan through Thailand with the intent of occupying it with different policies. The British ruled Arakan in 1824 during the colonial period in 1942; Arakan was controlled by Japanese fascists. In 1948, when the Burmese said that Burma was free from Great Britain, Arakan became one of the colony states of Burma.
Before Burma’s independence, the Arakanese revolution, led by Ven. U Sein Da, Ven. U Pinnya Thiha and Captain Kra Hla Aung, fought against the British and Japanese occupations. Their purpose was for Rakhines to demand separate independence for their ancient sate; however, their objective was unsuccessful after the attainment by the Burmese independence in 1948 (“Rakhines.” Ethnic Groups of South Asia and Pacific”). In 1974, Arakan became its own state but there is no power to right of self-determination, according to Myanmar Constitution Law (2008).
According to “Constitution of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar (2008),” wich is written by the Burmese Military Government, Arakan is coming under military rule (The Republic of the Union of Myanmar. Dept. of Ministry of Information 3, 19, 20,104, 105, 106, 107). The people of Arakan have long suffered under Burmese military rulers who do not respect the principles of democracy, principles of equal rights, and self-determination of the people of Arakan. Their rules of principle are the threatening, arresting, torturing, and killing to rule with fascism.
In addition, for political intention, the corrupt Burmese Military Government has created a huge problem between the native people of Arakan and illegal Chittagongnian Bengali Muslim. They call themselves “Rohingya,” which is the old label of Arakan in colloquial Chittagong dialect (Qanungo 232). This is taken from the old name of Arakan (Rakhine) “Rohang.” The term that is used by them is definitely committed an “identity thief.” The Burmese authorities unofficially allowed them with bribery to settle north-west Arakan. However, authorities block them from passing Burma proper through the Arakan range. In fact, it is visible and clarifies that the Burmese government created the conflict between the indigenous people of Arakan and Bengali Muslims when the Arakanese people demanded the share of gas selling profit to benefit of local people in 2012 (Parameswaran). This puzzle is one of the deepest concerns of Arakan.
So far, the people of Arakan have faced too many concerns: fearful, poor, uneducated and undeveloped under the rule of the Burmese Military Government. As the trouble-maker, the government and authorities always suppress the people of Arakan socially, economically, and politically. Many types of problems in Arakan are begotten by them. Constantly, the people of Arakan are hurt and face nightmares because of the suppression of the infamous Burmese military rulers.
Works Cited
“A Brief Background and History of Arakan.” Arakan Rivers Network. N.p., 2009. Background: Arakan. Web. 16 Oct. 2014.
“Burmese Migrants Struggle in Malaysia.” IRIN 14 Oct. 2009. IRIN Asia:Myanmar. Web.9 Oct. 2014.
Collis, Maurice. The Land of the Great Image. New Directions Books, New York: James Laughlin. 1985. Print."Foreign Investors Back Burma Pipeline." Pipeline & Gas Journal 239.7 ( 2012): 12+. Academic OneFile. Web. 23 Sept. 2014.
Gutman, Pamela. Burma’s Lost Kingdoms: Splendours of Arakan. Bangkok: Orchid Press, 2001.Print.
Han, Zaw Oo. Cultural Heritage Protection in Myanmar. Ministtry of Culture Dept. of Archaeology and National Museum. N.p., Web. 9 Oct. 2014.
Johnson, Jo, Amy Kazmin, and Richard Megregor. “Asean Appeals for Help over Burma CALL TO CHINA AND INDIA.” Financial Times 22 July 2006: 5. Academic Onefile. Web. 25. Sept. 2014.
“Kalandan Project Should Benefit India, Myanmar: Pressure Groups.” Time of India 12 June 2013. General OneFile. Web. 25 Sept. 2014.
“Measures Being Taken for People to Enjoy Medicare System.” New Light of Myanmar 21 August 2013. Web. 2 Oct, 2014.
Min, Win. “Burmese Military Government: Crony Capitalists in Uniform.” N.p., Web. 9 Oct. 2014.
“Myanmar Patients Pay the Price.” Irrawaddy 9 Aug. 2013. Magazine-Society. Web. 10 Oct. 2014.“No Blood for Gas.” The Shwe Gas Movement 28 Oct. 2009. Web. 9 Oct. 2014.
“1784-1785.” A Global Chronology of Conflict: From the Ancient World to the Modern Middle East. Ed. Spencer C. Tucker. Vol. 3: 1775-1860. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2010. 958. Gale Virtual Reference Library. Web. 25 Sept. 2014.
Parameswaran, Gayatri. “A Call to End Darkness in Burma.” Radio Netherlands Worldwide. 21 Jan. 2012. Web. 10 Oct.2014.
Qanungo, Suniti Bhushan. A History of Chittagong Vol.1. Chittagong: Billa Printers, 1988. Print.
“Rakhine.” Ethinic Groups of South Asia and the Pacific: An Encyclopedia. James B. Minahan. Sanata Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2012. 268-270. Ethnic Groups of the World. Gale Virtual Reference Library. Web. 25 Sept. 2014.
The Republic of the Union of Myanmar. Dept. of Ministry of Information. Constitution of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar (2008). Rangoon: October, 2013. Print.
UNDP.” Integrated Household Living Conditions Survey in Myanmar (2009-2010): Poverty Profile,” IHLCA Project Technical Unit. Sida, UNICEF, UNDP. June 2011.Web. 25 Sept. 2014.
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ARAKANLAND
လိပ္ကြ်န္းလူသတ္မႈႏွင့္ မေျဖရေသးေသာ ေမးခြန္းမ်ား
( ညီေစာလြင္ ေဖ့စ္ဘုတ္ စာမ်က္နာမွ)
(Bangkok Post သတင္းစာမွာ ေအာက္တုိဘာ ၈ ရက္ေန႔က ေဖာ္ျပေသာ Koh Tao case shatters faith in our police ေဆာင္းပါးကို ဆီေလွ်ာ္ေအာင္ ဘာသာျပန္ပါသည္၊ ေဆာင္းပါးရွင္ Sanitsuda Ekachai သည္ Bangkok Post သတင္းစာ အယ္ဒီတာ့ အာေဘာ္စာမ်က္ႏွာ၏ အယ္ဒီတာလည္း ျဖစ္ပါသည္။)
လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ သံုးပတ္က ေပၚေပါက္ခဲ့တဲ့ ေကာ့ေတာင္ကမ္းေျခ လူသတ္မႈကိစၥမွာ အလွည့္အေျပာင္း ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာကို ေက်ာ္လြန္ျပီးတဲ့ အခ်ိန္မွာေတာ့ ျမန္မာ့ေရႊ႔ေျပာင္းအလုပ္သမား လူငယ္ႏွစ္ေယာက္ အဖမ္းခံလိုက္ရပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ သူတို႔ ႏွစ္ေယာက္ဟာ ဓားစားခံအျဖစ္ ထုိးေကြ်း ခံတယ္လို႔ အေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားက ယံုၾကည္ေနၾကပါတယ္။
ဒီကိစၥနဲ႔ပတ္သက္လို႔ အျပစ္တင္သင့္တာက ရဲေတြ ကိုယ္တုိင္ကို ပါပဲ။ ျပည္သူေတြ ဒီလို သံသယ ျဖစ္ၾကတာ၊ နုိင္ငံတကာအထိ ဟိုးေလးတေက်ာ္ ျဖစ္သြားတာဟာ စံုစမ္းစစ္ေဆးမႈမွာ ရဲအဖြဲ႔ရဲ႔ ကိုင္တြယ္ပံု ညံ့ဖ်င္းတာတခုတည္းေၾကာင့္ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ရဲအဖြဲ႔ဟာ ရာဇ၀တ္မႈအတြက္ ေငြနဲ႔ ေပးေလွ်ာ္ႏိုင္တဲ့ လူခ်မ္းသာ ရာဇ၀တ္သားေတြကို ကယ္တင္ဖို႔ အတြက္ ဆင္းရဲသားေတြ၊ အင္အားနည္းသူေတြကို ေျမနိမ့္ရာလွံစိုက္ခဲ့တယ္ဆုိျပီး ကာလအတန္ၾကာကတည္းက နာမည္ပ်က္ေနတဲ့ အေပၚမွာလည္း အေျခခံပါတယ္။
ျပဳျပင္ထိန္းသိမ္းေရးဌာနတခုက အဆင့္ျမင့္ အရာရွိတေယာက္က အက်ဥ္းသားေတြထဲက ထက္၀က္ေလာက္ဟာ ထုိးေကြ်းခံရသူေတြျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ သူ႔အျမင္ကို ရုပ္ျမင္သံၾကား အင္တာဗ်ဴး တခုမွာ ဖြင့္ဟဖူးပါတယ္။
ေကာ့ေတာင္ကမ္းေျခဟာ ေရငုပ္သမားေတြအတြက္ သုခဘံုတခုပါပဲ။ စက္တင္ဘာလ ၁၅ ရက္ေန႔က ျဗိတိသ် ခရီးသြား ဟန္နာ ၀စ္သရုိက္ Hannah Witheridge (အသက္ ၂၃ နွစ္) နဲ႔ ေဒးဗစ္ေမလာ David Miller (၂၄ ႏွစ္) တို႔ စုိင္းရီကမ္းေျခမွာ ရုိက္ႏွက္ခံရျပီး ေသဆံုးေနတာကို ေတြ႔ရွိရတဲ့ ေနာက္မွာေတာ့ ကမၻာၾကီးက ထုိင္းႏုိင္ငံကို မ်က္လံုး ေဒါက္ေထာက္ျပီး ၾကည့္ခဲ့ပါတယ္၊ တရားခံကို အမိ ဖမ္းျပီး ကမၻာလွည့္ခရီးသြားေတြ အတြက္ သုခနယ္ေျမ တခုအျဖစ္ ႏုိင္ငံတကာရဲ႔ ယံုၾကည္မႈကို ျပန္ရေအာင္ လုပ္ႏိုင္မလားဆုိျပီး ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေနၾကပါတယ္။
ဒါေပမယ့္ ကမၻာလံုးက ေတြ႔လုိက္ရတာကေတာ့ ကြ်မ္းက်င္မႈလံုး၀ ကင္းမဲ့တဲ့ အေျခအေန တခုျဖစ္သြား ပါတယ္၊
ပထမေန႔ကစလုိ႔ ရဲအဖြဲ႔ဟာ ရာဇ၀တ္မႈျဖစ္ခဲ့တဲ့ ေနရာမွာ လက္ရာေျခရာေတြ ပ်က္စီးခြင့္ျပဳခဲ့လုိ႔ အေရးၾကီးတဲ့ အေထာက္အထားေတြ ဖ်က္ဆီးခံလုိက္ရတယ္။ အဲဒီေနာက္မွာ ရဲအဖြဲ႔ဟာ မသကၤာဖြယ္ လူေတြကို တေယာက္ျပီး တေယာက္ ထုတ္ေျပာခဲ့ပံုဟာလည္း ကာယကံရွင္ေတြရဲ႔ ဘ၀ေတြအေပၚ ဘယ္ေလာက္ထိခုိက္မလဲဆုိတာကို မသိက်ဴိးကြ်ံ ျပဳခဲ့တယ္။
ရဲက အေစာဆံုး ပစ္မွတ္ထားတဲ့ သံသယရွိသူေတြက ေရႊ႔ေျပာင္းအလုပ္သမားေတြပါပဲ။ လူမ်ဳိးေရး ခြဲျခားခ်င္တဲ့ စိတ္အခံ၊ ေျမနိမ့္ရာလွံစုိက္ခ်င္တဲ့ အက်င့္ေတြကို ေပၚလြင္ေစပါတယ္။ ေနာက္ေတာ့ သူတို႔ေတြအားလံုး အျပစ္မရွိလို႔ ဆုိပါတယ္။ အဲဒီေနာက္မွာ ရဲအဖြဲ႔ဟာ ေမလာရဲ႔ အခန္းေဖာ္ကို သံသယရွိတယ္လို႔ ဆုိျပန္ပါတယ္။ အခန္းေဖာ္ဟာ “ေဂး” တေယာက္ျဖစ္တာနဲ႔ မနာလို ျဖစ္ျပီး လူသတ္မႈ က်ဴးလြန္တာ ျဖစ္ႏိုင္တယ္လို႔ ဆုိျပန္ပါတယ္။
ေနာက္ေတာ့ ေမလာရဲ႔ လက္ဆြဲေသတၱာထဲမွာ ေသြးစြန္းေနတဲ့ ေဘာင္းဘီရွည္ကို ေတြ႔ခဲ့ရတဲ့ ေနာက္မွာေတာ့ အခန္းေဖာ္အေပၚ ထားတဲ့ သံသယဟာ ပိုျပီးေတာ့ ခုိင္မာလာပါတယ္။ ဒါတင္မက အသတ္ခံတဲ့ မိန္းကေလး ဟန္နာရဲ႔ လက္ထဲမွာလည္း အေရာင္လႊင့္ေနတဲ့ ဆံစေတြကို ေတြ႔ခဲ့ရပါတယ္။ ေနာက္ေတာ့ ေဘာင္းဘီေပၚက “ေသြး” ဆုိတာဟာလည္း “ရႊံ” ျဖစ္သြားျပန္လို႔ သနားစရာ အခန္းေဖာ္လည္း “အျပစ္ကင္းတယ္” ဆုိျပီး ျဖစ္သြားျပန္ပါတယ္၊ ဆံပင္ကိစၥကုိေတာ့ ရဲက ေနာက္ထပ္ ဘာမွ မေျပာေတာ့ပါဘူး။
ေနာက္ေတာ့ စေကာ့တလန္သား တုိးရစ္တေယာက္က လူသတ္မႈျဖစ္တဲ့ ညဦးပိုင္းမွာ ဟန္နာကို ထုိင္းအမ်ဳိးသားႏွစ္ေယာက္က ထိကပါးရိကပါး လုပ္ခဲ့တာ၊ ေနာက္ေတာ့ ေမလာ က ၀င္ျပီး တားဆီးခဲ့ရတာကို သူကိုယ္တုိင္ေတြ႔ခဲ့ရတယ္လို႔ Facebook ေပၚမွာ ေရးသားလုိက္တဲ့အခါ သံသယဟာ ထုိင္းေတြဘက္လွည့္္သြားပါတယ္၊ စေကာ့လူမ်ဳိး တုိးရစ္က ကြ်န္းေပၚမွာ အရွိန္အ၀ါၾကီးတဲ့ အသိုင္းအ၀ုိင္းထဲက လူႏွစ္ေယာက္ဆုိျပီး ဓာတ္ပံုေတြလည္း Facebook မွာ တင္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ရဲအဖြဲ႔ကေတာ့ အမႈမွာ မာဖီးယားေတြ ပါ၀င္ပတ္သတ္မႈ မရွိဘူးလို႔ ျငင္းဆန္ျပီး ဟန္နာ့ ကိုယ္ေပၚကေန ရခဲ့တဲ့ DNA နဲ႔လည္း မကိုက္ညီဘူးလို႔ ဆုိပါတယ္။
၀န္ၾကီးခ်ဳပ္ ခ်န္အုိခ်ာရဲ႔ အျငင္းပြားဖြယ္ ဘီကနီ မွတ္ခ်က္၊ ခရီးသြားလာေရး ၀န္ၾကီးရဲ႔ တုိးရစ္ေတြ အတြက္ လက္ပတ္ အဆုိျပဳခ်က္၊ လူ ၂၀၀ ေက်ာ္ကို DNA စစ္ေဆးတာ၊ ျပဇာတ္ဆန္ဆန္ စံုစမ္း စစ္ေဆးမႈေတြဟာ ေနာက္ဆံုးမွာ အသက္ ၂၁ ႏွစ္အရြယ္ ေစာလင္း နဲ႔ ၀င္းေဇာ္ထြန္းတို႔ ႏွစ္ေယာက္ကို ဖမ္းဆီးတာနဲ႔ အဆံုးသတ္သြားပါတယ္။
ရဲအဖြဲ႔ကေတာ့ ရာဇ၀တ္မႈဆုိင္ရာ ေဖာ္ထုတ္မႈနဲ႔ တရားခံေတြကိုယ္တုိင္ ၀န္ခံခ်က္ေတြ အခုိင္အမာ ရွိတယ္လို႔ ျငင္းခ်က္ထုတ္ပါတယ္၊ ဒါေပမယ့္ ေတာ္ေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားက မယံုၾကည္သလို မေျဖရေသးတဲ့ ေမးခြန္းေတြလည္း ရွိပါတယ္။
(၁) ကနဦး ေတြ႔ရွိခ်က္ျဖစ္တဲ့ မုဒိမ္းမႈ က်ဴးလြန္ျခင္း မရွိဘူးဆုိတဲ့ ကိစၥက ဘာျဖစ္သြားသလဲ။
(၂) ရာဇ၀တ္မႈျဖစ္တဲ့ ေနရာမွာ ေတြ႔ရတဲ့ အသံုးျပဳျပီးသား ကြန္ဒံုးကို ဘာလို႔ စစ္ေဆးဖို႔ မပို႔သလဲ၊
(၃) ရြာသူၾကီးရဲ႔ သားကို ဘာျဖစ္လို႔ DNA မစစ္သလဲ။
(၄) CCTV အရုပ္ေတြထဲက တခုမွာ သံသယျဖစ္ဖြယ္ လူတေယာက္ ပါေနတာကို ႏွစ္မိနစ္ေလာက္ ျဖတ္ေတာက္ထားတဲ့ပံုစံမ်ဳိး ျဖစ္ေနတာ ဘာျဖစ္တာလဲ၊ စသျဖင့္ ေမးခြန္းေတြပါ၊
ဒီေမးခြန္းေတြကို ရဲအဖြဲ႔က သူတို႔ကိုယ္ပိုင္ ၀က္ဆုိက္ကတဆင့္၊ မီဒီယာေပါင္းစံုနဲ႔ အင္တာဗ်ဴးေျဖရာက တဆင့္ ေျဖဆုိခဲ့ပါတယ္၊ ဒါေပမယ့္ လုပ္ၾကံထားတဲ့ သက္ေသ အေထာက္အထားေတြ၊ ညွဥ္းပမ္းႏွိပ္စက္ခံရလြန္းလို႔ ၀န္ခံတာျဖစ္မယ္ ဆုိတဲ့ သံသယေတြကေတာ့ ရွင္းမသြားပါဘူး။
အက်ဥ္းခ်ဳပ္ရရင္ေတာ့ ရဲအဖြဲ႔ဟာ လူထုယံုၾကည္မႈ လံုး၀ဥႆံုက်ဆင္းသြားေတာ့မယ့္ အေျခအေနမ်ဳိးနဲ႔ ရင္ဆုိင္ေနရပါတယ္။
ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရး၊ အဂတိလုိက္စားမႈတုိက္ဖ်က္ေရး ဆုိတဲ့ စကားလံုးေတြကို ထပ္တလဲလဲ ေျပာခဲ့တာ ပူပူေႏြးေႏြးပဲရွိပါေသးတယ္။ တရားဥပေဒစိုးမုိးမႈ မရွိရင္ ဒီလို ျမင့္မားတဲ့ ရည္မွန္းခ်က္ေတြ ေအာင္ျမင္ႏုိင္စရာ မရွိပါဘူး။ ရဲေတြက လူေတြကို ညွဥ္းပမ္းႏွိမ့္စက္၊ အဂတိလုိ္က္စားတာကို ဥပေဒအရ အေရးယူတာ မခံရဘဲ လြတ္ေျမာက္ေနရင္ တရားဥပေဒနဲ႔ တရားစီရင္ေရးစနစ္အေပၚမွာ ျပည္သူေတြက ယံုၾကည္ႏိုင္ပါ့မလား။ ရဲေတြက ေငြေပးႏုိင္သူေတြအတြက္ ဥပေဒကို လက္တလံုးျခား လုပ္ေပးေနရင္ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရး ဆုိတာဟာ အဓိပၸါယ္ မရွိႏုိင္ေတာ့ပါဘူး။
ထုိင္းရဲတပ္ဖြဲ႔ဟာ ဘယ္ေလာက္အထိ ပ်က္စီးယိုယြင္းေနသလဲဆုိတာကို ေကာ့ေတာင္ လူသတ္မႈကို စံုစမ္း ေဖာ္ထုတ္တဲ့ ဥပမာက ကမၻာၾကီးကို အထုပ္ေျဖျပလုိက္တာပါပဲ။ ရာဇ၀တ္မႈ ျဖစ္ခဲ့တဲ့ ေနရာကို ေျခရာလက္ရာေတြ ပ်က္စီးသြားတာ၊ သက္ေသခံ ပစၥည္းအမွားအယြင္းေတြ၊ ရာဇ၀တ္မႈကို လူရုိင္း ဆန္ဆန္ ကိုင္တြယ္တဲ့ အထိ ေျပာစရာေတြ ရွိပါတယ္။
ဒီအမႈဟာ မွားမွားယြင္းယြင္း စံုစမ္းေဖာ္ထုတ္မႈတခု ဆုိတာထက္ ပိုပါတယ္။ ရဲအဖြဲ႔ကို အေရးေပၚ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲဖုိ႔ လိုအပ္ေနတယ္ဆုိတာကို ျပသေနပါတယ္။ ရဲအဖြဲ႔ဟာ အရည္အခ်င္းမရွိဘူး၊ မယံုၾကည္ရဘူးလို႔ ျပည္သူေတြက ခံစားေနရတဲ့ လူ႔အဖြဲ႔အစည္းမွာ ေဘးကင္လံုျခံဳမႈဆုိတာလည္း မရႏုိင္ပါဘူး။
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